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* NOV  21  1910  * 


The  Real 


Chinese  Question 


Chester  Holcombe 


For  many  years  Interpreter,  Secretary  of  Legation,  and 
Acting  Minister  of  the  United  States  at  Pekin. 


Author  of 11  The  Real  Chinaman,”  etc. 


«$H§**^* 

•f* 


NEW  YORK 

DODD,  MEAD  & COMPANY 
1909 


Copyright , 1900, 

By  Dodd,  Mead  and  Company. 


PREFACE 

That  is  a charitable  rule  of  life  which  bids  us 
take  every  man  at  his  best.  It  is,  however,  wiser 
and  safer  to  study  each  individual  as  thoroughly 
as  circumstances  will  permit,  and  then  to  strike 
a balance  between  good  and  evil  traits  of  char- 
acter, accepting  the  result  as  a basis  for  judgment 
and  action,  so  far  as  he  is  concerned.  The  same 
rule  may  be  broadened  with  safety,  and  applied 
to  nations  or  races.  If,  in  such  use,  it  serves  no 
other  purpose,  it  will,  at  least,  act  as  a corrective 
to  ignorant  prejudice,  and  to  that  most  common 
fault,  prejudgment. 

There  is  much  force,  and  a wide  range  of 
applicability,  to  that  French  saying:  “ Les  absens 
ont  toujours  tort”  the  absent  are  always  in  the 
wrong.  Their  story  is  seldom  fairly  told,  the 
motives  and  causes  which  led  to  any  particular 
conduct  are  seldom  brought  into  a plain  light, 
and  judgment  goes  against  them  by  misrepresen- 
tation or  default.  This  rule  of  common  practice 
is,  also,  not  less  applicable  to  nations  and  races 
than  to  individual  members  of  the  human  family. 


IV 


PREFACE 


The  Chinese,  whether  the  term  be  used  as 
referring  to  persons  of  the  race,  or  to  the  nation, 
or  to  the  government  of  the  nation,  have  suffered 
enormously  from  it.  They  have  been  “ the 
absent”  in  the  past.  And  one  has  only  to  glance 
at  the  columns  of  the  daily  press,  or  to  read  some 
more  serious  articles  in  magazine  literature,  to 
realize  how  closely  the  French  quotation  applies 
to  them.  Any  statement,  any  tale,  however  in- 
coherent, absurd,  grotesque,  or  self-contradictory, 
is  accepted,  if  it  only  be  applied  to  the  Chinese. 
The  Travels  of  Gulliver,  fairy  tales,  and  the 
Wonderful  Adventures  of  Mother  Hubbard’s 
Dog  all  sink  into  the  most  insipid  and  unexciting, 
matter-of-fact  prose  when  brought  into  contrast 
with  current  stories  about  the  Chinese. 

It  is  not  merely  in  the  tales  and  fictitious  de- 
scriptions, such  as  may  serve  to  while  away  an 
idle  hour,  that  they  have  suffered,  and  that  wrong 
has  been  done  to  them.  In  matters  of  the  gravest 
importance,  in  those  upon  which  turn  the  issues 
of  peace  or  war,  upon  which  national  existence 
may  hang,  the  Chinese  have  been  “ the  absent,” 
and  have  been  judged  and  found  guilty,  either 
upon  no  statement,  or  the  enemies’  statement,  of 
their  case.  For  until  recently,  at  least,  the 
Chinese  have  also  been  silent.  They  have  been 


PREFACE 


v 


unable,  or  have  not  cared,  to  defend  themselves 
or  maintain  their  cause  before  the  great  Western 
world  of  thinking  men  and  women.  They  have 
failed  to  recognize  the  power  which  this  body 
holds  to  control  and  direct  the  actions  of  govern- 
ments, and  which  it  has  been  known,  upon  occa- 
sion, to  exercise.  Hence,  everything  has  gone 
against  them. 

By  way  of  example,  it  is  not  possible  to  believe 
that  if  the  fair-minded  and  generous-spirited 
men  and  women  of  Great  Britain  had  been  accu- 
rately and  plainly  informed  of  the  facts;  if  they 
had  known  what  ruin  was  being  wrought  upon 
the  Chinese;  if  they  had  been  made  at  all  familiar 
with  the  arguments,  protests,  and  appeals  of  the 
Imperial  Government,  and  with  its  bitter  opposi- 
tion; if  they  had  understood  the  infamous  purpose 
for  which  British  soldiers  and  British  ships  of 
war  were  sent  to  China,  and  used  there,  and 
blood  was  shed,  and  lives  wasted — if  they  could 
have  been  made  to  see  all  these  things,  it  is  not 
possible  to  believe  that  their  government  would 
have  been  allowed  to  persist  in  the  opium  traffic, 
and  to  work  such  a cruel  wrong  upon  China.  But 
China  was  “ absent.”  And  China  was  silent 
when  she  should  have  appealed  to  a larger  audi- 
ence than  the  ministers,  who  cared  little  for 


VI 


PREFACE 


appeals  and  protests;  she  should  have  appealed 
to  a power  higher  than  the  Throne,  to  the  power 
behind  it. 

Chinese  statesmen  have  been  fond  of  saying 
that  “ China  is  a slumbering  dragon.”  Of  late 
China  has  been,  not  that,  perhaps,  but  a dragon 
not  fully  awake  to  his  danger  and  the  necessities 
of  his  condition.  Long  outside  the  whirl  of 
modern  life,  but  being  gradually  drawn  within  it, 
he  has  neither  adjusted  himself  to  the  situation 
nor  realized  its  demands.  And  he  can  only  com- 
plain in  a language  which  the  world  does  not 
understand. 

Too  much  has  been  written  about  China  from 
a purely  foreign  standpoint.  The  shelves  are  full 
of  books — notably  English — telling  with  great 
detail  and  much  ingenuity  what  China  wants, 
what  China  desires,  and  what  is  best  for  China, 
with  the  sole  object  of  promoting  the  interests 
of  British  commerce,  and  thwarting  the  possible 
designs  of  Russia,  and  every  other  Power.  But 
regarding  what  China  needs,  for  China's  sake,  the 
world  of  literature  is  markedly  silent.  It  hardly 
need  be  said  that  volumes,  written  either  in 
defence  or  elaboration  of  some  foreign  policy,  are 
seldom  or  never  just  and  fair  to  the  Chinese. 
They  are  not  written  in  order  to  describe  how 
the  natives  of  the  empire  feel,  what  they  desire, 


PREFACE 


vi  1 


nor  what  they  say.  Nor  are  they  written  to  give 
broad  and  general  views  of  any  question  from 
the  native  standpoint,  as  well  as  from  that  of  the 
foreigner.  Upon  the  contrary,  everything  is 
focused  down  to  a single  point  of  view,  and  that 
of  foreign  interest  and  profit. 

The  result  is  most  unfortunate,  as  the  present 
situation  must  plainly  show.  A cyclone,  a vol- 
cano, an  earthquake,  or  by  any  other  fearful 
name  that  it  may  be  called,  has  suddenly  burst 
into  terrible  activity  in  the  Chinese  Empire,  ac- 
companied with  horrors  and  agonies  which  no 
man  dare  describe.  Tens  of  thousands  of  un- 
offending men  and  women  and  helpless  children 
have  been  slain.  Millions  upon  millions  of  money 
have  been  wasted  in  brutal  riot,  and  as  much 
more  in  the  effort  to  suppress  it,  and  none  can 
yet  see  the  end.  The  continued  existence  of 
China  as  a nation  hangs  quivering  in  the  balance. 

And  yet,  in  these  days  of  quick  communication 
and,  what  may  be  termed,  universal  information ; 
when  everybody  is  supposed  to  know  everything ; 
when  every  nook  and  cranny  of  the  world  have 
been  invaded  and  explored ; when  floods  of  books 
and  avalanches  of  newspapers  cover  the  earth, 
telling  everything  that  is  true  and  much  that  is 
not;  when  the  contents  of  this  globe  have  ceased 
to  be  matters  of  speculation,  and  men  have  turned 


PREFACE 


viii 

their  eyes  to  Mars  and  other  planets — in  such 
times  as  these,  in  the  presence  of  such  a hideous 
catastrophe  as  the  uprising  of  an  immense  race 
of  men  in  frenzied  defiance  of  all  Western  na- 
tions, the  great  masses  of  the  most  intelligent  and 
best-informed  in  those  nations  are  gazing  at  each 
other  in  astonishment,  wondering  what  has  been 
the  cause  of  it  all. 

Whereas,  any  fair  knowledge  of  events  and 
influences  at  work  in  China  during  the  past  sixty 
years,  knowledge  which  involved  even  a moderate 
acquaintance  with  the  Chinese  side  of  the  history, 
no  less  than  the  foreign,  would  cause  wonder,  not 
at  the  outbreak,  but  that  it  had  delayed  so  long. 
Better  than  that,  such  just  information  would 
have  prevented  the  outbreak,  by  destroying  the 
cause. 

It  is  the  purpose  of  this  volume  to  bring  before 
the  thoughtful  and  fair-minded  public  some 
portions  of  the  history  referred  to,  and  to  explain 
certain  forces  and  influences  which  operate  in 
China  to  give  those  who  may  read  it  an  oppor- 
tunity to  realize  how  certain  events  and  certain 
lines  of  Western  policy  must  have  appeared  to 
and  have  affected  the  Chinese.  In  doing  this,  it 
may  help  to  furnish  a wiser  and  safer  basis  for 
judgment  and  decision  of  the  real  Chinese  ques- 
tion 


PREFACE 


IX 


The  volume  apologizes  for  and  defends  no  one, 
least  of  all  the  Chinese.  It  states  facts,  some  of 
which  are  painful  and  humiliating,  but  which 
ought  to  be  stated,  and  which  are  neither  exag- 
gerated nor  overdrawn.  It  appeals  not  for  China, 
but  for  fair  play. 

Chester  Holcombe. 

September  15,  1900. 


ANALYSIS  OF  CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I. 

PA 

Some  Serious  Mistakes i 

Insufficient  grounds  of  prejudice,  I.  Friction 
and  conflict  result  from  misconception  of  Chinese 
character,  2.  Importance  of  better  understand- 
ing, 3.  Empire  not  in  condition  of  anarchy,  3. 
Chinese  satisfied  with  form  of  government,  4. 
Much  freedom  of  action  permitted,  4.  Chinese 
obedient  and  fond  of  order,  4.  Orderly  disposition 
of  Chinese  in  United  States,  5.  Prefer  their  own 
systems,  6.  Will  not  allow  others  to  decide  for 
them,  6.  Chinese  and  foreigners  at  cross  pur- 
poses, 7.  Chinese  resent  being  imposed  upon  or 
treated  as  children,  8.  Shanghai-Woosung  Rail- 
way, 8.  Restrictions  upon  foreign  commerce,  12. 
Source  of  trouble  and  dispute,  12.  Chinese  side 
of  question,  13.  Forces  discrimination  against 
Chinese,  13.  Interferes  with  Government  rev- 
enue, 15.  Foreign  revenue  used  to  pay  foreign 
loans,  16.  Lekin  tax,  16.  Opposition  to  foreign 
improvements  not  due  to  bigotry  and  superstition, 
16.  Object  to  employment  of  foreigners,  17.  Chi- 
nese labor  question,  17.  Silk  filatures  at  Shanghai, 
20.  Railway  from  Tientsin  to  Peking,  24.  China- 
man docile  but  stubborn,  26.  Exceedingly  sensi- 
tive, 27.  Similar  in  essential  characteristics  to 
Anglo-Saxons,  28. 


xii  ANALYSIS  OF  CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  II. 

PAGES 

Chinese  Character 30-60 

Chinese  a conundrum,  30.  A man  and  yet  a 
child,  30.  Many  modern  theories  and  ideas  tested 
in  China  centuries  ago,  31.  Radical  yet  conserva- 
tive, 32.  Slow  yet  rapid,  32.  Resents  unsought 
advice,  33.  Practical  and  capable  of  close  dis- 
crimination, 35.  Logical  reasoner,  36.  Anger  at 
hypothecation  of  lekin  tax,  36.  Difficult  to  analyze 
Chinese  down  to  original  characteristics,  40.  Are 
his  peculiar  ways  and  practices  signs  of  a first  or 
second  childhood?  42.  Chinese  have  fixed  system 
for  everything,  43.  Fond  of  argument,  45.  Always 
ready  with  natural,  or  forced,  explanation,  47. 
Highly  cultivated  aesthetic  taste,  48.  Care  of  cem- 
eteries, 49.  High  standard  of  literary  taste,  50. 
Moderation — the  root  idea  of  Confucianism,  51. 
Grave  points  of  weakness,  51.  Acts  mainly  as  a 
repressive  force,  53.  Unexpected  and  frenzied  out- 
breaks the  result,  53.  Examples,  54.  Causes  of 
anti-foreign  outbreaks,  55.  Chinese  cherish  secret 
grudges,  56.  Explanation  of  Boxer  movement,  56. 
Chinese  punctilious  in  courtesy,  57.  Exacting  in 
personal  rights,  58.  Generous  and  public  spirited, 

58.  Bridges  and  temples,  58.  His  good-nature  is 
the  weaker  side  of  the  Chinaman,  58.  Chinese  not 
a decadent  race,  59. 


CHAPTER  III. 

The  Chinese  Literati 61-89 

Prominent  in  all  Chinese  affairs,  61.  Member- 
ship open  to  all,  61.  Constitutes  immense  literary 


ANALYSIS  OF  CONTENTS  xiii 


PAGES 

The  Chinese  Literati — continued 61-89 

aristocracy,  62.  Are  the  brains  of  the  nation  and 
leaders  in  public  opinion,  63.  Impractical  course 
of  study,  64.  Grotesque  when  compared  with  mod- 
ern knowledge,  64.  Cannot  estimate  number  of 
living  members,  66.  Sketch  of  examinations,  66. 
Chinese  eager  for  membership,  68.  No  certain 
ground  for  sweeping  charges  of  corruption  in 
examinations,  69.  System  of  value  in  the  past, 

70.  Four  grades  in  Chinese  social  scale,  70. 
Graduates  debarred  from  menial  employment,  71. 
Many  literati  unable  to  secure  official  positions, 

72.  Unemployed,  they  form  a large  and  danger- 
ous body,  75.  Two  civil  service  rules,  75.  “ Ex- 
pectant ” officials,  76.  “ Searchers,”  77.  Literati 

as  teachers  and  physicians,  78.  As  story-tellers, 

79.  As  fortune-tellers,  80.  Difficult  to  be  held 
in  check,  81.  Origin  of  Confucianism  as  a cult,  82. 
System  of  morals  rather  than  religion,  83.  Literati 
the  champions  of  the  system,  84.  Opposed  to 
change,  85.  Source  of  much  of  the  anti-foreign 
sentiment,  87.  Responsible  for  many  anti-foreign 
outbreaks,  88. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Chinese  Societies 90-114 

Chinese  power  of  organization,  90.  Peculiar 
form  of  clannishness,  90.  Develops  pride  and  pro- 
vincialism, 91.  Sources  of  clanship  of  locality,  92. 
Peking  phases,  93.  Combinations  against  Canton- 
ese, 94.  Clan  divisions  not  of  serious  importance, 

95.  Chinese  a chemical  compound,  96.  Commer- 
cial and  labor  combinations,  96.  Provincial  clubs 


xiv  ANALYSIS  OF  CONTENTS 


PAGES 

Chinese  Societies — continued 90-114 

or  guilds,  98.  Local  mutual  aid  societies,  99. 
Temperance  societies,  100.  Secret  social  frater- 
nities, 100.  Absurd  fictions  regarding  secret  politi- 
cal combinations,  101.  First  appearance  in  China, 

102.  Little  scope  for  politics  in  China,  103.  No 
desire  for  change  of  government,  104.  Satisfied 
with  Manchu  rule,  105.  Little  precaution  taken 
against  revolt,  106.  Preventive  measures,  107. 

“ White  Lily  ” sect,  108.  Interdicted  by  Emperor 
Shun  Chih,  109.  Change  of  name,  no.  Action 
of  Hong  Kong  authorities,  no.  Secret  societies 
little  cause  of  anxiety  to  government,  no.  “ Ke 
Lao  Huei,”  or  “ Society  of  Elder  Brothers,”  in. 

Not  a military  conspiracy,  112.  “ Tai  Ping  Re- 

bellion,” 112.  Author  a disappointed  malcontent, 

113.  The  Boxer  movement,  114. 


CHAPTER  V. 

The  Chinese  Army  and  Navy 115-147 

Chinese  Board  of  War,  115.  Scope  of  duties, 

115.  Post-office  system  and  “ Bureau  of  Victories,” 

116.  Officers  of  Board  of  War,  116.  Incapacity  of 
members,  117.  Board  of  War  a barnacle  office, 

118.  No  intelligent  officers  available,  119.  China 
has  no  army,  119.  Description  of  Peking,  120. 
Under  military  control,  122.  Form  of  organiza- 
tion, 122.  Manchu  soldiers,  123.  Frauds  in  pay 
and  rations,  124.  Raids  upon  the  Treasury,  125. 
Vices  of  soldiers,  126.  Management  of  military 
affairs  has  drifted  away  from  Peking,  127.  Flexi- 
bility in  government  system,  127.  Aside  from 


ANALYSIS  OF  CONTENTS  xv 


PAGES 

The  Chinese  Army  and  Navy — continued  1 15-147 

Manchu  soldiers,  entire  military  system  is  pro- 
vincial, 128.  Utter  lack  of  uniformity,  129.  Re- 
sultant troubles,  129.  Northern  and  southern 
superintendents  of  coast  defense,  130.  Li  Hung 
Chang  notable  leader  in  military  affairs,  132.  In- 
terference and  opposition,  132.  Agents  for  sale  of 
military  and  naval  supplies,  133.  Influence  and 
bribery,  134.  Unfamiliarity  with  modern  arms, 

135.  Lack  of  trained  officers  and  disciplined  sol- 
diers, 136.  Chinese  educational  mission  to  the 
United  States,  137.  Plan  sought  for  Chinese  Mili- 
tary School,  137.  Unsatisfactory  efforts  to  secure 
foreign  military  and  naval  instructors,  138.  Com- 
petition among  foreign  Powers,  139.  Two  foreign 
military  officers  at  Tientsin,  140.  German  officers 
at  Nanking,  141.  Any  success  due  to  Viceroy  Li, 

143.  Chinese  navy,  143.  The  “ Osborne  Flotilla,” 

144.  Chinese  make  good  soldiers,  145.  Possible 
size  of  Chinese  army,  146.  Last  days  of  brave  old 
Admiral  Ting,  146. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Missionary 148-177 

Hostile  comment  upon  his  work,  148.  Claim 
that  civilization  and  commerce  should  precede  him, 

149.  Chinese  possess  high  standard  of  morals,  150. 
Foreign  objector  to  presence  of  young  women  in 
China  as  missionaries,  151.  Mistaken  notions  of 
Chinese  about  social  relations  of  foreigners,  152. 
Value  of  missionary  homes  as  object  lessons,  152. 
Views  of  Chinese  official,  153.  Work  among  Chi- 
nese women,  154.  Missionaries  not  the  cause  of 


xvi  ANALYSIS  OF  CONTENTS 


PAGES 

The  Missionary — continued 148-177 

anti-foreign  feeling,  155.  Literati  indifferent  to 
missionaries,  but  hate  them  as  foreigners,  156. 
Why  mob  violence  is  more  frequently  directed 
against  missionaries,  157.  Complaint  not  against 
natives  because  they  become  Christians,  but  that 
they  become  foreigners,  158.  Missionaries  not 
smuggled  into  the  interior,  159.  French  treaty  of 
1858,  159.  Foreign  Powers  protect  them  only  as 
citizens,  161.  Questionable  wisdom  of  “ Article  of 
Toleration,”  162.  No  occasion  to  argue  question 
of  interior  residence,  163.  Conceded  as  a favor  by 
China,  164.  Reparation  for  injuries,  in  China  and 
elsewhere,  165.  No  complaint  against  Protestant 
missionaries  as  a class,  166.  Valuable  courtesies 
shown  to  missionaries  by  Chinese  officials,  167. 
Chinese  policy  in  religious  matters  uniformly  tol- 
erant, 169.  The  Nestorian  faith,  170.  Roman 
Catholic  missions,  171.  Chinese  policy  compared 
with  that  of  certain  Western  Powers,  173.  Mis- 
sionaries not  pugnacious,  174.  Valuable  services 
to  commerce  and  civilization,  175.  No  wisdom  in 
abandonment  of  nationality,  176.  Missionaries 
rapidly  gaining  ground  in  China,  177. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Diplomacy  in  China 178-215 

Beginnings  of  commerce  with  China,  178.  Early 
diplomatic  missions,  178.  Exchange  of  commod- 
ities, 179.  Chinese  engineers,  physicians,  and  as- 
trologers in  Persia,  179.  Diplomatic  intercourse, 

180.  Trade  at  Canton,  180.  East  India  Company 


ANALYSIS  OF  CONTENTS  . xvii 


PAGES 

Diplomacy  in  China — continued 178-215 

and  “ Hong  Merchants,”  180.  Right  Honorable 
Lord  Napier,  181.  Insulting  and  bombastic  corre 
spondence,  182.  Ignorance  of  Chinese,  184. 
American  and  French  missions,  186.  Struggle 
over  right  of  residence  at  Peking,  187.  War  of 
1858-60,  187.  Chinese  objections  to  diplomatic  rela- 
tions, 188.  Commerce  not  connected  with  diplo- 
macy, 189.  Chinese  conceit,  190.  Audience  ques- 
tion, 191.  The  Tsung  li  Yamen,  192.  Appoint- 
ments to  membership  in  it,  193.  Chinese  diffi- 
culties, 194.  Invariable  courtesy  of  Chinese,  197. 
Diplomatic  trickeries,  199.  Macao  and  the  Portu- 
guese treaty,  200.  Chinese  lack  of  good  faith,  201. 
Interference  with  rights  of  sovereignty,  202. 
Chung  Hou  and  treaty  of  St.  Petersburg,  203.  Re- 
fusal to  sign  Japanese  treaty,  204.  Action  of 
French  Government  in  Tonquin,  205.  Great  Brit- 
ain and  Chefoo  Convention,  205.  Diplomat  an  edu- 
cator, 206.  Disregard  of  native  prejudices,  206. 
Difficulties  of  language  and  interpretation,  208. 
French  minister  and  Tsung  li  Yamen,  209.  French 
vessels-of-war  at  Foochow,  210.  Unskilled  in  in- 
ternational law,  212.  Inevitable  difficulties,  213. 
Personal  equation  large  factor  in  Chinese  diplo- 
macy, 214. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Chinese  Opinion  of  Foreigners 216-249 

Universal  love  of  home,  216.  Beneficent  results, 

217.  Transfer  of  allegiance  difficult  and  slow, 

217.  Determine  Chinese  opinion  of  foreigners  by 
foreign  opinion  of  Chinese,  218.  Comparison  of 


xv iii  ANALYSIS  OF  CONTENTS 


PAGES 

Chinese  Opinion  of  Foreigners — con- 
tinued  216-249 

ideas,  219.  Narrow  grounds  of  Chinese  opinion, 

221.  Ignorance  concerning  Western  races,  221. 
Roman  description  of  ancient  Chinese,  222.  Char- 
acter of  Europeans  who  visited  China,  222.  Dutch 
at  Canton  in  1506,  223.  Chinese  judge  the  many  by 
the  few,  223.  Cowardly  and  obsequious  demeanor 
of  some,  225.  Dutch  at  Peking  in  1795,  225.  Su- 
pernatural gifts  attributed  to  foreigners,  226. 
Boxer  movement,  228.  Possible  origin  of  idea, 

228.  Buddhist  and  Christian  rivalry,  229.  Chinese 
policy  of  seclusion,  230.  Chinese  originally  invited 
foreign  intercourse,  231.  Unwelcome  knowledge  of 
past  sixty  years,  232.  Chinese  judge  from  their 
own  standpoint,  233.  Western  atmosphere  re- 
pugnant to  Chinese,  234.  Unaccustomed  to  world 
of  to-day,  235.  Partition  of  China,  236.  Selfish 
advice  and  purposes,  237.  Japanese  position,  237. 
Characteristic  incident,  238.  Resent  foreign  air 
and  conduct,  239.  Unreasonable  demands  and  criti- 
cisms, 242.  Spheres  of  influence,  242.  Failures  of 
justice,  243.  Injudicious  conduct  of  Roman  Catho- 
lic missionaries,  248.  Anti-foreign  feeling  chronic 
and  universal,  249. 

CHAPTER  IX. 


Opium 250288 

Modern  China  begins  with  1842,  250.  Opium  war 
and  treaty  of  Nanking,  250.  Inception  of  foreign 
relations  unfortunate,  251.  Prejudice  caused  by 
opium  traffic,  251.  Chinese  names  of  drug,  252. 
First  knowledge  of  poppy,  252.  Penalties  for  use 


ANALYSIS  OF  CONTENTS  xix 


PAGES 

Opium — continued 250-288 

of  opium,  252.  Not  used  prior  to  1775,  253.  Early 
efforts  to  smuggle  opium,  253.  British  East  India 
Company  monopoly,  253.  Importation  prohibited, 

254.  Growth  of  contraband  traffic,  254.  Spread 
of  trade  in  opium,  255.  British  Government  silent, 

256.  Increased  efforts  to  suppress  smuggling,  257. 
British  Government  favors  the  illicit  trade,  257. 
Condition  of  opium  trade  in  1838,  258.  Appoint- 
ment and  orders  of  Commissioner  Lin,  259.  His 
energetic  action,  259.  His  correspondence  with 
Captain  Elliott,  260.  Surrender  and  destruction 
of  opium  at  Canton,  261.  Failure  of  efforts  of 
Commissioner,  262.  Attitude  of  British  authorities, 

262.  Blockade  of  and  war  at  Canton,  263.  Sir 
Henry  Pottinger  and  Chinese  Commissioners,  264. 
English  merchants  protest  to  Sir  Robert  Peel,  266. 
Growth  of  illegal  traffic,  267.  Hypocritical  action 
of  Great  Britain,  268.  War  of  i860,  269.  Sir  John 
Bowring  and  case  of  the  “ Arrow,”  269.  Profits 
of  British  Crown  from  opium,  270.  Amount  of 
opium  traffic,  271.  False  assertions  that  China  was 
indifferent,  272.  Absurd  pretence  of  harmless 
character  of  the  vice,  273.  Deadly  effects  of  opium 
smoking,  274.  China  cowed  and  humiliated,  276. 
Pleads  for  suppression  of  traffic,  277.  Result  of 
formal  appeal  to  British  Queen,  278.  Protest  of 
Januarj',  1875,  280.  Action  of  Great  Britain  on 
Chefoo  Convention,  281.  United  States  treaty  of 
1880,  281.  Correspondence  between  China  and 
Great  Britain,  which  Christian  and  which  heathen, 

282.  Spread  of  poppy  cultivation  in  China,  283. 
Opium  traffic  enemy  to  honest  commerce,  284.  All 
foreigners  suffer,  287.  Modern  Great  Chinese 
Wall,  288. 


XX  ANALYSIS  OF  CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  X. 

PAGES 

Foreign  Aggression 289-315 

Chinese  fear  absorption  of  empire,  289.  Proud  of 
their  country,  290.  Memorial  from  Governor  of 
Canton  to  Emperor,  290.  Suspicion  of  foreigners, 

291.  Conduct  of  early  Europeans  in  China,  291. 
Dutch  at  Macao,  Pescadore  Islands,  Amoy,  and 
Formosa,  292.  Portuguese  at  Ningpo  and  Macao, 

292.  Source  of  annoyance  and  trouble,  293.  Coolie 
trade  and  “ fan  tan  ” at  Macao,  293.  Great  Britain 
at  Hong  Kong,  293.  Depot  and  headquarters  of 
opium  smugglers,  294.  Real  character  of  Hong 
Kong  trade,  295.  Lord  Charles  Beresford  on 
opium  smuggling  from  Hong  Kong,  296.  Chinese 
sentiment  toward  Russia,  297.  Russian  diplomat- 
ists, 2g8.  China  and  Japan,  299.  Results  of  war 
with  Japan,  300.  France  in  China,  300.  Connec- 
tion between  Catholic  missionary  troubles  and 
designs  of  France,  301.  French  course  unjustifi- 
able, 301.  No  trade,  no  marine,  no  interests  in 
China,  302.  French  not  natural  colonists,  302. 

No  points  of  natural  contact  with  Chinese,  303. 
Germany’s  opportunity,  303.  How  sacrificed,  304. 
Maintenance  of  balance  of  power  is  graduated 
spoliation,  305.  Foreign  concessions,  306.  British 
concession  at  Shanghai,  307.  French  Legation  at 
Peking,  308.  French  concession  at  Shanghai,  308. 
Another  form  of  spoliation,  31 1.  Lord  Charles 
Beresford  upon  the  practice,  312.  Influence  of 
such  acts  upon  Chinese,  313.  Destructive  of  trade, 

314- 


ANALYSIS  OF  CONTENTS  xxi 


CHAPTER  XI. 

PAGES 

The  Partition  of  China 316-351 

Chinese  dynasties,  316.  Genghis  and  Kublai 
Khan,  316.  Grand  Canal,  317.  Secret  of  success 
of  Manchu  dynasty,  318.  Narcotism  of  Chinese 
rulers,  318.  Origin  of  Chinese  race,  319.  Not  a 
mixed  race,  320.  No  intermingling  of  blood,  320. 
Eurasians,  321.  Chinese  uniform  and  identical  in 
racial  traits,  322.  Clans  and  quarrels,  323.  Differ- 
ences of  dialect,  324.  No  geographical  lines  of 
demarcation,  326.  China  shut  away  from  other 
nations,  326.  Chinese  Empire  one  great  hive  of 
commerce,  327.  Official  travel  and  intercourse, 

328.  Chinese  such  a type  as  might  be  expected, 

329.  Modern  Rip  Van  Winkle,  331.  Dismember- 
ment of  China,  331.  No  sound  arguments  favoring 
the  scheme,  331.  Real  motive  is  plunder,  332. 
Reason  for  British  attitude,  332.  Good  ground  for 
complaints  against  Chinese  administration,  333. 
Easy  and  efficient  measures  of  remedy  at  hand, 

334.  Concerted  action  of  great  Powers,  334. 
Rivalries  in  China,  335.  Lord  Charles  Beresford 
upon  foreign  policy  in  China,  336.  Archibald  R. 
Colquhoun,  338.  Harold  E.  Gorst,  338.  Great 
Britain,  Russia,  foreign  loan,  and  Wei  Hai  Wei, 

338.  European  Powers  at  fault  for  troubles  in 
China,  340.  Policy  of  the  United  States,  342.  Re- 
sults of  quiet  and  friendly  methods,  343.  Argu- 
ments against  partition,  344.  No  solvent  found  for 
the  Chinaman,  345.  Lack  of  success  of  Western 
Powers  in  governing  Oriental  races,  346.  Great 
Britain  in  India,  346.  Chinese  able  to  govern 
themselves,  348.  Peace  of  Europe  depends  upon 
the  integrity  of  Chinese  Empire,  349. 


xxii  ANALYSIS  OF  CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  XII. 

PAGES 

Reform  in  China 352-386 

Not  the  concern  of  outsiders,  352.  Natural  but 
dangerous  to  meddle,  352.  Sweeping  reforms 
necessary,  354.  Examples  of  corruption,  355-360. 
Parental  system  of  government  in  part  responsible, 

361.  Chinese  system  of  balances  and  adjustments, 

362.  Proceedings  of  a tax  collector,  364.  No 
system  of  individual  responsibility,  365.  No  parti- 
tion of  official  duties,  365.  China  over-officered, 

366.  Exaggerated  notions  of  the  wealth  of  Chinese 
officials,  367.  China  not  the  land  of  the  enor- 
mously rich,  368.  Wide  division  of  results  of 
official  peculation,  368.  Inadequate  official  salaries, 

369.  “ Anti-extortion  fund,”  370.  Understanding 

between  officials  and  people,  370.  Unwisdom  of 
system,  371.  Is  nation  capable  of  reforming 

itself?  372.  No  doubt  that  it  is,  372.  Great  major- 
ity of  Chinese  honest,  acute  men  of  business,  373. 
Large  and  growing  body  of  intelligent  men  in  the 
empire,  374.  “ Chinese  Educational  Mission,” 

375.  Power  of  public  opinion,  375.  Danger  of 
trouble,  376.  Chinese  will  reform  China  for  their 
own  benefit,  376.  Interference  should  be  cautious 
and  kindly,  378.  Consistent  slowness  necessary, 

379.  Cause  of  failure  of  the  Emperor  in  1898, 

379.  Three  necessary  preliminary  measures,  381. 
Systems  of  weights,  measures,  and  coinage,  381. 
Readjustment  of  salaries  and  pay  of  all  official  ser- 
vants, 382.  Exclusion  of  all  victims  of  the  opium 
habit  from  any  form  of  public  duty,  383.  The  real 
Chinese  question,  385.  Policy  which  should  be 
adopted,  386. 


The  Real  Chinese  Question 

CHAPTER  I. 

SOME  SERIOUS  MISTAKES. 

It  is  a trite  remark  that  ignorance  is  a prolific 
source  of  trouble.  Views  and  opinions  of  men 
or  races,  which  are  based  upon  little  knowledge 
and  much  imagination,  may  be  harmless  in  works 
of  fiction,  but  become  dangerous  when  made  the 
basis  of  intercourse  and  practical  relations.  Mu- 
tual mis  judgment,  injustice,  and  enmity  are  the 
inevitable  results. 

It  is  easier  to  call  the  Chinaman  a heathen  than 
to  understand  him.  That  he  has  eyes  queerly 
shaped  and  located,  eats  with  chopsticks,  dresses 
his  hair  into  a queue,  and  wears  his  shirt  outside 
of  his  trousers,  are  held,  by  the  large  majority  of 
people,  to  furnish  ample  grounds  for  the  applica- 
tion of  this  offensive  term.  Yet  he  neither 
shaped  nor  placed  his  eyes,  our  own  ancestors 


2 REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


braided  their  hair  and  wore  it,  as  he  does.  And 
the  relative  arrangement  of  the  garments  named 
is  not  a matter  of  either  morals,  intellect,  or  re- 
ligion. Thus  this  petty  abuse  of  him  is  largely 
the  result  of  ignorance. 

In  graver  affairs,  misconceptions  of  the 
Chinese,  mistaken  views  of  their  attitude,  and 
consequent  erroneous  judgments  and  conduct  to- 
ward them,  are  responsible  for  a large  part  of  the 
friction  and  conflict  between  them  and  Western 
nations.  They  are  not  credited  with  the  posses- 
sion of  the  same  spirit,  motive,  and  feeling  which 
animate  and  control  the  rest  of  the  world.  They 
are,  only  too  frequently,  neither  granted  the  same 
rights,  nor  accorded  the  same  privileges.  The 
same  measure  of  forbearance  and  consideration 
is  not  allowed  them  as  is  conceded  to  others. 
Governments,  acting  upon  lines  of  purely  selfish 
purposes,  object  to,  and  at  times  have  overcome 
by  force,  the  selfish  or  patriotic  opposition  of  the 
Chinese.  Some  men  and  some  governments  are 
reckless  and  indifferent  to  ultimate  results,  so 
long  as  their  immediate  purpose  is  effected.  But 
the  masses  of  the  people  are  disposed  to  be  fair- 
minded,  and  have  no  desire  to  injure  China  for 
the  sake  of  their  own  advantage.  More  than 
this,  they  are  sufficiently  wise  to  accept,  as  an  in- 
variable truth,  the  statement  that  no  wrong  done 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  3 


to  one  individual  or  nation  can  be  to  the  perma- 
nent advantage  of  any  other. 

It  is  important  to-day,  as  never  before,  that 
misapprehensions  should  be  removed,  false  im- 
pressions corrected,  the  truth  told,  and  the  Chi- 
nese Government  and  people  be  better  under- 
stood. Ignorance  is  too  expensive  and  unwise  to 
be  longer  indulged  in.  There  are  many  common 
points  of  contact  and  interest  which  a right  mu- 
tual understanding  will  bring  to  light.  Fairer 
judgments,  and  increased  respect,  will  do  more  to 
promote  all  proper  forms  of  intercourse  and  com- 
merce than  men-of-war  and  dynamite.  And  the 
Western  world  can  best  aid  China  to  understand 
it,  by  means  of  an  honest  effort  to  understand 
China. 

It  is  a mistake  to  suppose  that  the  empire  is  in 
a condition  of  chronic  misrule  and  anarchy. 
While  there  are  infrequent  local  disturbances  and 
uprisings,  caused  by  the  action  of  incompetent 
or  tyrannical  local  officials,  superstition,  or  igno- 
rance, the  empire,  as  a whole,  is  quiet  and  peace- 
able. It  is  crowded  with  a great  multitude  of 
cities,  towns,  and  villages,  to  which  are  allowed 
large  measures  of  self-control,  and  which  are  or- 
derly and  well  regulated.  The  Chinaman  is  not 
groaning  under  recognized  burdens,  nor  strug- 
gling against  an  unwelcome  tyranny.  Whatever 


4 REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


may  be  the  defects  of  his  governmental  system,  He 
is  himself  responsible  for  them.  He  is  quite  well 
aware  of  this  fact,  and  never  objects  to  the  sys- 
tem, though  he  may,  at  times,  rise  in  protest 
against  what  he  considers  as  abuses,  or  laxity  in 
the  administration  of  it.  In  the  long  centuries 
during  which  it  has  been  in  existence,  he  has 
either  shaped  himself  to  it,  or  it  is  the  natural 
outgrowth  of  his  character.  Whichever  it  may 
be,  the  genius  of  his  government  meets  with  hie 
entire  approval. 

In  point  of  fact,  the  Chinese  are  governed  less 
than  almost  any  nation  in  the  world.  So  long  as 
they  pay  their  taxes,  and  violate  none  of  the  re- 
quirements of  the  moral  code,  they  are  not  dis- 
turbed by  the  authorities.  A thousand  and  one 
official  inspections,  interferences,  and  exactions, 
common  everywhere  in  America  and  Europe,  are 
quite  unknown  in  China.  Some  of  them  might, 
perhaps,  be  wisely  introduced,  but  the  Chinaman 
has  never  been  guided,  vexed,  or  harassed  by 
them.  He  is,  by  nature  and  education,  obedient 
to  law  and  fond  of  good  order.  The  teachings 
of  Confucius,  and  the  sacred  edicts  of  the  wise 
Emperor,  Kang  Hsi,  both  taught  everywhere  and 
to  every  subject,  have  had  an  immense  and  valu- 
able influence  in  this  direction.  In  evidence  of 
the  law-abiding  disposition  of  the  Chinese,  let  the 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  5 


fact  be  noted  that,  in  the  face  of  an  intense  and 
universal  anti-foreign  feeling,  foreigners  have 
for  many  years  travelled  alone  and  unprotected 
into  every  part  of  the  empire,  and  have,  almost 
invariably,  met  with  politeness,  civility,  and  kind 
treatment.  If  a correspondingly  bitter  hatred  of 
Chinese  existed  in  the  United  States,  how  long, 
and  to  what  extent,  would  it  be  prudent  or  safe 
for  any  of  them  to  roam  through  our  large  cities 
and  rural  communities?  Another  fact,  not  suf- 
ficiently well  recognized,  furnishes  evidence  in 
the  same  direction.  The  Chinese  immigrants  to 
this  country  belong  almost  exclusively  to  the  low- 
est class  of  their  people,  and  are  familiarly  de- 
scribed, in  their  own  land,  as  being,  each,  “ half 
fisherman  and  half  pirate.”  Yet  a careful  ex- 
amination of  the  criminal  and  police  records  of 
any  city  in  the  United  States  will  show  a smaller 
percentage  of  disorderly  Chinese — smaller  in  pro- 
portion to  the  total  number  of  residents  of  that 
race — than  of  any  other  foreign  nationality 
which  is  to  be  found  among  us. 

The  Chinese  are  not  lethargic,  incapable,  nor 
indifferent.  But  they  insist,  unreasonably  per- 
haps, upon  looking  at  all  things  through  their 
own  eyes,  studying  them  in  their  own  way,  and 
deciding  for  themselves,  whether  they  are  of 
value  or  worthless  to  them.  Their  systems, 


6 REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


social,  political,  and  economical,  were  settled, 
fully  adjusted,  and  crystallized  centuries  ago. 
Ours  are  subject  to  almost  daily  alteration  and 
development.  Possibly  it  should  not  be  expected 
that  they  adopt  ours,  without  inquiry  or  hesita- 
tion, when  they  see  us  so  ready  to  discard  them 
for  any  others  which  are  new  or  untried.  Then 
their  modes  of  life  are  more  simple  and  quiet 
than  ours.  They  abhor  the  ceaseless  and  ex- 
hausting whirl  which  “ men  of  the  West  ” call 
life.  In  other  words,  they  criticise  it  very  much 
as  would  the  grandparents  of  the  present  genera- 
tion, if  suddenly  thrown  into  the  midst  of  it. 

At  the  same  time,  the  Chinese  readily  recognize 
the  superiority  of  Western  ideas  and  ways  in 
some  directions.  They  keenly  resent  any  at- 
tempts to  instruct  or  direct  them.  But  they  are 
quite  ready  to  ask  advice  when  they  desire  it,  only 
reserving  the  right  to  digest  and  use,  modify,  or 
reject  it,  from  their  own  point  of  view  and  by 
their  own  judgment.  They  will  not  allow  for- 
eigners to  regulate  or  adjust  matters  for  them. 
They  are  determined  to  do,  whatever  is  to  be 
done,  for  themselves  and  to  their  own  advantage. 

And  just  here  the  Chinese  and  the  majority  of 
foreigners  who  have  any  interets  in  the  empire 
are  working  at  cross  purposes.  Constant  fric- 
tion and  much  angry  feeling  are  the  results.  The 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  7 


Chinese  believe  that  the  foreigners  are  seeking  to 
explore,  exploit,  and  reconstruct  the  empire, 
solely  for  foreign  profit  and  advantage.  They 
will  never  assent  willingly  to  any  such  line  of 
action,  and  will  continue  to  obstruct  it  by  every 
possible  means  in  the  future,  as  in  the  past.  Peo- 
ple of  the  United  States,  or  any  other  land,  have 
only  to  ask  themselves  how  they  would  feel  un- 
der such  efforts  of  any  body  of  foreigners,  efforts 
persistently  and  openly  pushed,  to  understand 
Chinese  sentiment  upon  the  point.  Such  is,  be- 
yond question,  the  animating  motive  of  the  great 
proportion  of  all  foreign  attempts  made  for  the 
development  of  China.  The  fact  is  well  and 
commonly  recognized.  It  is  hardly  reasonable 
to  expect  any  great  amount  of  sympathy  with 
such  a motive  from  the  race  which  is  to  be  ex- 
ploited and  explored,  nor  any  unusual  adapta- 
bility to  such  a scheme.  And  when  a limited 
amount  of  exploitation  and  development  have 
been  accomplished,  and  the  Chinese  have  been 
able  to  divert  the  results  from  foreign  pockets 
and  treasuries  into  their  own,  there  arises  the 
childish  and  absurd  complaint  that  “ the  opening 
up  of  China  is  mainly  for  the  benefit  of  the  Chi- 
nese.” Why  should  it  not  be  ? Yet  sensible  and 
intelligent  men  utter  the  cry,  and  write  columns 
and  pages  in  newspapers,  magazines,  and  books, 


8 REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


in  censure  of  their  own  and  the  Chinese  govern- 
ments, because  such  undesired  and  unexpected 
results  have  followed  their  schemes. 

The  Chinese  are  not  children,  and  it  is  a 
mistake  to  look  upon  or  treat  them  as  such. 
Few  courses  of  action  will  more  quickly  provoke 
intense  hostility,  than  attempts  to  gain  a purpose 
by  means  of  a trick  or  subterfuge,  or  by  taking 
advantage  of  their  ignorance  in  any  way.  A bit 
of  history  will  illustrate  this  trait  of  character. 
Something  more  than  twenty-five  years  ago,  a 
number  of  foreign  men  of  business  in  Shanghai, 
anxious  for  the  construction  of  railways  in  China, 
and  believing  that  the  objections  of  the  officials 
and  people  would  disappear,  if  they  had  any  op- 
portunity to  see  and  test  the  value  of  such  a mode 
of  transportation,  decided  to  construct  a model 
line  from  Shanghai  to  Woosung — a distance  of 
twelve  miles.  Their  purpose  was  as  laudable  as 
their  methods  were  unwise.  Having  organized 
a company  and  secured  the  necessary  capital,  they 
applied  to  the  Chinese  authorities  for  a permit  to 
build  a horse  railroad  over  the  proposed  route. 
After  considerable  hesitation  and  much  corre- 
spondence, the  permit  was  issued,  it  having  been 
made  particularly  plain  upon  both  sides  that  only 
animal  power  could  be  used.  The  employment 
of  steam  was  specifically  forbidden.  Yet  it  was 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  9 


the  purpose  of  the  promoters  of  the  scheme  to 
construct  a narrow-gauge  steam  road,  and  this 
they  proceeded  to  do,  in  spite  of  their  repeated 
pledges  to  the  contrary.  They  knew  well  that 
there  was  neither  one  Chinese  official  nor  subject 
in  the  empire  who  would  be  able  to  detect  the 
trick  which  was  being  played,  by  any  peculiari- 
ties of  construction.  Only  when  the  steam  loco- 
motive was  seen,  could  they  tell  the  difference 
between  it  and  a horse,  and  discover  the  imposi- 
tion of  which  they  were  the  victims.  The  for- 
eigners interested  believed  that  their  powers  of 
persuasion,  and  the  force  of  an  accomplished  fact 
upon  the  official  mind,  would  then  protect  the 
railway  from  destruction.  They  evidently  knew 
but  little  of  the  temper  of  the  Chinese. 

The  survey  of  the  contemplated  route  provoked 
a mob  which  was  promptly  suppressed,  and  the 
most  cordial  assistance  was  rendered  by  the  au- 
thorities at  every  step  in  the  progress  of  the  con- 
struction. But  when  the  line  was  ready  and  the 
locomotive,  which  had  been  quietly  smuggled 
into  Shanghai  in  parts,  and  put  together  in  secret 
— when  the  locomotive  made  its  appearance,  the 
storm  broke.  Indignant  and  angry  protest  after 
protest  was  made  by  the  local  Chinese  officials, 
and  by  the  Imperial  Government  at  Peking.  The 
feeling  was  all  the  more  intense  because  the  ap- 


io  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


plication  for  permission  to  construct  the  line,  and 
the  resulting  correspondence,  had  been  made  and 
carried  on  through  official  channels.  Thus  at 
least  two  consuls-general  were  parties  to  the  de- 
ceit, and,  in  Chinese  eyes,  their  governments 
through  them. 

The  Chinese  authorities  were  much  too  cau- 
tious and  timid  to  do  what  would  have  been  done 
elsewhere,  to  tear  up  and  remove  the  line. 
Everything  short  of  that  summary  and  well- 
deserved  act  was  done.  The  populace  were,  if 
possible,  more  excited  than  the  officials.  Mobs 
were  organized,  and  when  these  were  with  diffi- 
culty suppressed,  bridges  and  portions  of  the 
roadbed  were  secretly  destroyed.  When  these 
were  efficiently  guarded  at  all  points,  then  mis- 
guided but  patriotic  Chinamen  threw  themselves 
under  the  wheels  of  the  trains  when  in  motion, 
hoping,  by  such  suicide,  to  arouse  the  nation  to  a 
higher  pitch  of  resentment  against  Western 
trickery  and  outrage. 

In  the  meantime  all  foreigners,  except  British 
subjects,  foreseeing  the  storm,  had  quietly  sold 
their  interests  and  withdrawn  from  the  ill-de- 
vised venture.  Thus  the  diplomatic  management 
of  the  business  was  left  to  the  government  of 
Great  Britain.  After  months  of  angry  discus- 
sions at  the  capital,  the  British  Minister  was  at 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  n 


length  forced  to  order  the  operation  of  the  line  to 
cease,  as  it  was  becoming  a more  and  more  serious 
menace  to  all  foreign  interests  at  Shanghai. 
After  further  wrangling,  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment, hopeless  of  settling  the  question  in  any 
other  way,  offered  a liberal  sum  in  purchase  of 
the  road,  which  was  accepted  by  the  British  au- 
thorities. The  latter  stipulated,  however,  as  a 
condition  of  sale,  that  the  line  be  reopened,  and 
operated  for  a term  of  one  year.  This  require- 
ment was  carried  out  in  good  faith  by  the  Chi- 
nese. But  on  the  day  when  the  term  expired,  the 
work  of  destruction  began.  Every  portion  of 
roadbed,  equipment,  and  rolling  stock  was  re- 
moved, placed  on  board  ship,  and  carried  to  the 
island  of  Formosa,  where  it  was  thrown  upon  the 
seabeach  and  left  to  destruction. 

The  Chinese  authorities  in  this  manner,  with 
much  moderation  and  at  no  small  expense, 
marked  their  intense  indignation  at  being  played 
upon  like  children,  and  being  chosen  as  victims 
of  subterfuge  and  trickery.  And  this  wretchedly 
advised  course  of  action,  taken  by  foreigners  who 
had  spent  their  lives  in  China  and  yet  had  learned 
nothing  of  the  Chinese,  delayed  the  introduction 
of  railways  to  the  empire  for  a considerable  num- 
ber of  years. 

By  the  same  treaties  which  authorized  foreign 


i2  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


commerce  with  China,  certain  restrictions  were 
placed  upon  it.  A number  of  sea  and  river 
ports  were  specified  within  the  limits  of  which 
alone  foreign  merchants  might  reside  and  trans- 
act their  business.  These  have  come  to  be  called 
the  “ open  ” or  “ treaty  ” ports  of  China.  The 
number  of  these  points  has  increased  from  time 
to  time,  but  the  restrictions  and  regulations 
which  confine  foreigners  to  them  have  never 
been  substantially  modified.  On  the  other  hand, 
in  these  same  treaties,  the  Chinese  Government 
was  coerced  into  the  concession  of  certain  cur- 
tailments of  its  natural  rights  as  an  indepen- 
dent power.  It  assented  to  a maximum  rate 
of  five  per  cent,  duty  ad  valorem  upon  ex- 
ports and  imports.  As  the  government  main- 
tains a complicated  and  uncertain  system  of  in- 
land taxation  upon  merchandise,  it  was  also 
forced  to  agree  that  an  additional  rate  of  two  and 
one-half  per  cent.,  paid  at  one  time  and  called 
“ transit  duty,”  should  cover  all  inland  taxes 
upon  foreign  goods  sent  into  the  interior,  or  na- 
tive products  bought  in  the  interior,  and  intended 
for  export  to  any  foreign  country. 

As  was  to  have  been  expected,  these  agree- 
ments have  been  the  fertile  source  of  constant 
trouble  and  dispute  between  the  Chinese  authori- 
ties and  merchants  upon  the  one  hand,  and  all 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  13 


foreign  governments,  with  such  of  their  people 
as  are  interested  in  Chinese  commerce,  upon  the 
other.  A diplomatic  quarrel  regarding  the  scope 
and  proper  interpretation  of  certain  words  and 
phrases  which  are  found  in  the  treaties  has 
raged  continuously  for  forty  years.  The  Chinese 
seek  to  narrow  the  meaning  of  the  disputed  terms 
within  their  reasonable  intent.  The  foreign  of- 
ficials seek,  only  at  times  possibly,  to  broaden 
them  beyond  any  legitimate  construction.  Keep- 
ing pace  with  this  particular  war  of  words  runs  a 
general  skirmish.  There  is  a constant  demand, 
made  by  foreign  governments,  for  the  removal  of 
restrictions,  some  of  which  are  manifestly  unlaw- 
ful, for  increased  facilities  for  trade,  and  for  the 
correction  of  abuses  and  punishment  for  viola- 
tions of  the  treaties.  These  last  are  the  work  of 
local  authorities  and  petty  tax  collectors.  They 
are  of  constant  occurrence,  and  are  intentional 
and  outrageous.  No  commerce,  however  pros- 
perous, could  exist  permanently  under  them. 

Yet  it  is  only  fair  to  look  at  the  Chinese  side 
of  the  whole  question.  It  must  be  admitted  that 
the  restrictions  named  above  were  necessary  to 
the  continued  existence  of  foreign  commerce. 
Without  them  it  would  soon  have  been  strangled 
by  excessive  and  frequently  repeated  taxation. 
Yet,  at  the  same  time,  it  must  also  be  admitted 


i4  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


that  these  limitations  upon  native  authority  were 
well  calculated  to  prevent  any  healthy  growth  of 
trade.  This  is  evident  from  three  separate  points 
of  view.  In  the  first  place,  no  government  will 
give  any  other  than  the  narrowest  possible  inter- 
pretation to  treaty  promises  which  have  been 
exacted  from  it  by  force,  and  which  are  a distinct 
interference  with  its  inalienable  right  of  sov- 
ereignty. And  no  government,  unless  it  be  that 
of  the  angels,  will  view  with  any  degree  of  favor, 
or  encourage,  save  upon  a demand  backed  by 
force,  any  enterprise  which  is  protected  by  for- 
eign powers,  at  the  cost  of  its  own  humiliation 
and  disgrace.  Oriental  governments  have  mem- 
ories and  are  at  times  vindictive,  like  those  of  the 
Western  world. 

In  the  second  place,  these  treaty  restrictions 
upon  the  free  action  of  the  Chinese  authorities 
force  them  to  discriminate  against  their  own  peo- 
ple and  products.  Native  goods,  owned  by  a for- 
eigner and  destined  for  export,  can  only  be  taxed 
at  inland  points  to  the  extent  of  two  and  one-half 
per  cent,  ad  valorem.  The  same  goods,  if  native 
owned,  or  bound  for  the  same  port  and  not  des- 
tined beyond  sea,  in  passing  over  the  same  route, 
may  be  taxed  to  any  limit  that  the  needs  of  the 
government,  or  the  rapacity  of  the  local  collector, 
may  see  fit  to  enforce.  Again,  foreign  goods,  if 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  15 


foreign  owned,  passing  inland  to  a final  sale  and 
destination,  cannot  be  taxed  to  exceed  two  and 
one-half  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  in  course  of  transit. 
The  same  goods,  if  native  owned,  or  native  goods 
in  competition  with  them,  going  the  same  journey 
to  the  same  market,  are  liable  to  any  duty  or  ex- 
action en  route  which  may  be  inflicted.  These 
discriminations  are  all  against  native  merchants 
and  native  merchandise,  and  are  directly  calcu- 
lated to  drive  both  out  of  the  market.  Again, 
what  government,  except  it  be  that  of  the  angels, 
could  be  expected  to  regard  with  favor,  or  to  fos- 
ter with  open  hand,  a commerce  thus  protected 
solely  in  the  interest  of  aliens? 

In  the  third  place,  the  conditions  under  which 
foreign  commerce  was  established  and  is  carried 
on  are  a serious  interference  with  the  revenues  of 
the  government.  So  far  as  the  entire  body  of 
foreign  export  and  import  trade  is  concerned, 
there  is  no  flexibility  or  power  of  adjustment  left 
by  which  the  government  may  regulate  the  in- 
come from  that  source  in  accordance  with  its 
needs.  No  matter  what  exigencies  and  conse- 
quent demands  upon  the  treasury  must  be  met, 
no  help  can  be  looked  for  in  that  direction.  It 
fluctuates  in  amount  only  as  the  commerce  upon 
which  it  is  levied  shows  gain  or  loss.  And  the 
total  sum  derived  from  it  is  unquestionably  much 


16  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


less  than  it  would  be  if  there  had  been  no  forced 
commutation  of  the  inland  taxes,  as  described 
above. 

The  revenue  from  foreign  commerce  has  been 
for  some  years  practically  exhausted  in  the  pay- 
ment of  the  principal  and  interest  of  foreign 
loans,  made  necessary  by  the  heavy  and  repeated 
indemnities  demanded  of  China,  by  expenditures 
for  the  military  and  naval  defence,  for  a diplo- 
matic and  consular  service,  and  other  modern  in- 
novations. The  war  with  Japan  and  the  heavy 
payment  exacted  by  the  terms  of  peace  made  it 
necessary  to  raise  sums  of  money  far  beyond  the 
capacity  of  the  foreign  revenue.  The  lekin  tax, 
which  is  mainly  apportioned  to  the  payment  of 
provincial  expenses,  was  therefore  pledged  as 
security  for  a further  foreign  loan.  The  result 
of  this  action  upon  the  people  and  its  influence  in 
bringing  the  Boxer  movement  to  a head  are  men- 
tioned elsewhere. 

It  is  a grave  mistake  and  an  injustice  to  the 
Chinese  to  attribute  their  opposition  to  foreign 
improvements  to  bigotry  and  superstition. 
These  influences  have  some  slight  weight  with 
the  lower  and  more  ignorant  classes.  An  unrea- 
soning hatred,  contempt,  and  fear  of  everything 
foreign  has  much  more  weight  even  with  them. 
But  in  the  educated  and  official  circles,  the  sources 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  17 


of  opposition  are  far  more  respectable,  and  de- 
serving of  serious  consideration.  In  nearly  every 
line  of  modern  development,  China  is  wholly  de- 
ficient in  skilled  workmen.  The  entire  control, 
direction,  and  labor  must  be  placed  in  the  hands 
of  foreigners,  over  whom  the  authority  of  the  Im- 
perial Government  could  extend  only  to  the  point 
of  discharge  from  service.  In  other  words,  the 
Chinese  must  put  themselves,  practically  without 
reserve,  into  the  hands  of  strangers,  accept  advice, 
and  expend  large  sums  of  money  upon  plans  and 
works  which  they  are  too  ignorant  and  inexperi- 
enced to  criticise,  take  whatever  may  be  the  re- 
sult, and  call  it  good.  Various  unsatisfactory 
and  disagreeable  experiences  in  this  way  of  doing 
things  have  rendered  the  authorities  extremely 
reluctant,  not  to  say  opposed,  to  adopt  it.  Yet 
this  is  not  the  main  ground  of  objection. 

Perhaps  no  country  was  ever  called  upon  to 
settle  questions  of  labor  and  food  supply  under 
the  same  close  and  pressing  necessities  as  those 
which  have  existed  in  China  for  centuries.  The 
situation  there  has  made  such  questions  literally 
vital.  The  problem  constantly  pressed  home  to 
them  for  consideration  and  adjustment  has  been : 
How  may  a given  amount  of  work  be  so  divided 
and  subdivided  as  to  produce  the  barest  needs  of 
life  to  the  greatest  number  of  human  beings? 


1 8 REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


They  have  studied  it,  government  and  people, 
never  with  success.  They  have  never  reached 
the  point  where,  to  millions  of  human  beings,  a 
day’s  idleness  failed  to  mean  a day’s  abstinence 
from  food.  And  the  indescribable  and  unmen- 
tionable horrors  of  famine,  caused  commonly  by 
drought  over  large  areas,  and  utterly  inadequate 
means  of  transportation,  repeated  with  sickening 
frequency,  have  indeed  kept  the  poor  and  the 
starving  always  with  them.  It  has  made  them 
the  most  marvellously  economical  people  in  the 
world.  Writers  may  say  almost  what  they  please, 
with  truth,  regarding  the  dirt  and  filth  to  be  found 
in  Peking.  And  it  will  still  remain  true  that  there 
is  no  city  in  the  United  States  in  which  all  forms 
of  garbage  are  so  carefully  and  regularly  gath- 
ered, removed,  and  put  to  suitable  uses.  It  may 
readily  be  granted  that  this  is  not  done  as  a sani- 
tary measure.  But  the  result  is  no  less  healthful 
if  the  work  is  done  upon  economical  grounds. 

It  is  the  labor  question  which  forms  the  basis 
of  the  most  serious  objections  of  intelligent  Chi- 
nese, to  the  introduction  of  machine  work  and 
rapid  transportation.  It  is  not  in  the  question 
whether  the  fears  and  arguments  which  influence 
them  are  valid  or  worthless.  It  is  enough  that 
they  are  operative  and  sufficient  with  them.  It 
is  simply  impossible  to  convince  them  that  a ma- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  19 


chine  by  which  one  man  is  enabled  to  do  the  pro- 
ductive labor  of  ten  can  be  anything  but  a curse 
to  a country  in  which,  after  the  most  patient 
division  and  subdivision,  arrangement  and  rear- 
rangement, there  still  is  not  to  be  found  an 
amount  of  labor  sufficient  to  clothe  each  subject 
in  the  meanest  rags  and  to  feed  him  with  the 
cheapest  food.  What  they  need  is  not  condensa- 
tion of  work,  but  expansion.  They  say,  and 
justly,  that  men  are  cheaper  in  China  than 
horses,  mules,  or  donkeys.  The  writer  has  many 
a time  hired  an  able-bodied  Chinese  to  walk  the 
towpath  of  the  Grand  Canal  for  a distance  of  one 
hundred  and  twenty  miles,  the  man  to  return  at 
his  own  charges,  for  the  sum  of  about  twenty-five 
cents  in  gold.  And  the  more  intelligent  Chinese 
insist  that  what  is  needed  in  their  empire  is,  not 
increase  in  the  working  capacity  of  the  man, 
which  a machine  practically  secures,  but  a suffi- 
ciency of  work  for  the  normal  capacity  of  his  un- 
aided hands.  Under  their  theory  and  belief,  if  by 
a machine  one  man  is  enabled  to  accomplish  the 
labor  of  ten,  then  the  other  nine  must  suffer  star- 
vation. 

Arguments  addressed  to  them,  based  upon  in- 
creased production  and  sales  in  wider  markets, 
reach  only  deaf  ears.  The  practical  question  of 
labor,  and  consequent  food,  for  many  millions  of 


20  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


hungry  men,  women,  and  children,  is  far  too 
eager  and  pressing  to  permit  them  to  experiment 
in  the  line  of  any  novel  theories  or  schemes  of,  to 
them,  uncertain  issue.  Foreign  imports  have,  in 
many  directions,  lessened  the  sale  of  domestic 
products,  and  hence,  to  a corresponding  extent, 
decreased  the  total  of  remunerative  labor.  Why 
then  should  they  favor  the  increase  of  the  foreign 
import  trade?  And  since  machine-made  goods 
from  abroad  have  already  driven  some  of  their 
people  into  idleness,  pauperism  and  starvation, 
why  should  they,  by  the  introduction  of  the  ma- 
chines themselves,  still  more  rapidly  and  widely 
destroy  their  natural  source  of  livelihood? 
Cheaper  goods  are  of  no  possible  advantage  to  a 
man  who,  being  without  labor,  is  unable  to  buy 
them.  And  they  ask  why  it  is  that  the  United 
States,  having,  for  wise  reasons,  shut  out  a flood 
of  poor  laborers  who  wandered  there  from  China 
seeking  for  food,  advises  the  introduction  of  ma- 
chinery to  China,  thereby  producing,  according 
to  their  ideas,  an  increase  in  the  pauperism  there. 

Two  incidents  will  bring  out  Chinese  views 
upon  the  whole  subject  in  a strong  and  practical 
light. 

In  1883,  an  American  and  an  English  firm,  at 
the  cost  of  about  a million  dollars  in  each  case, 
had  established  extensive  filatures,  or  machines 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  21 


for  reeling  the  threads  from  the  silk  cocoons,  at 
Shanghai.  The  local  Chinese  authorities  de- 
manded that  they  be  closed  and  removed  upon  the 
nominal  pretension  that  the  treaties  conceded  to 
foreigners  no  privilege  to  establish  manufactur- 
ing industries  of  any  sort  within  the  empire. 
Their  rights  were  strictly  limited  to  the  various 
lines  of  commercial  operations.  After  the  usual 
period  of  local  discussion,  the  business  was  trans- 
ferred to  Peking  for  diplomatic  arrangement. 
As  their  interests  were  identical,  the  United 
States  and  British  ministers  made  common  cause, 
and,  together,  argued  the  various  points  involved 
with  the  Chinese  Cabinet. 

Prince  Kung,  as  the  leader  upon  the  native 
side,  though  not  yielding  the  claim  that  foreign- 
ers were  entitled,  by  the  terms  of  the  treaties,  to 
engage  in  manufactures,  wasted  no  time  upon  it, 
but  went  directly  to  the  heart  of  the  broader  ques- 
tion. He  insisted  that,  under  existing  condi- 
tions, it  was  impossible  for  his  government  to 
consent  to  the  introduction  of  labor-saving  ma- 
chinery. They  needed  machines  to  make  work, 
not  to  save  it.  And  he  said  that  any  attempt 
upon  the  part  of  the  authorities  to  introduce 
labor-saving  devices,  or  their  introduction  by 
others,  with  the  assent  of  the  government,  would 
be  met  with  violent  and  riotous  opposition  from 


22  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


the  people,  which  might  spread  to  a point  where 
it  would  be  quite  beyond  control.  The  millions 
of  Chinese  workingmen  would  not  quietly  submit 
to  any  further,  and  artificial,  reduction  of  their 
means  of  support,  which  were  already  inadequate. 

Referring  to  the  case  in  point,  Prince  Kung 
said  that  in  the  silk  district  near  Shanghai  there 
were  hundreds  of  thousands  of  old  women  and 
young  children,  too  old  and  too  young  to  perform 
harder  labor,  who  earned  from  one  to  two  cents 
(silver)  each  day,  by  reeling  the  threads  from 
silk  cocoons.  They  must  work  or  starve,  and 
this  was  the  only  employment  for  which  they 
were  competent.  In  the  various  silk  districts 
throughout  the  empire,  there  were  millions  of  the 
same  class  of  Chinese  engaged  in  the  same  indus- 
try, and  also  incapable  of  doing  anything  else. 
The  introduction  of  machines  for  doing  this 
work  would  force  this  immense  and  helpless  class 
into  immediate  starvation.  Serious  petitions  and 
complaints  had  been  received  from  Shanghai,  call- 
ing attention  to  the  distress  already  caused  by  the 
filatures  established  there,  and  praying  for  relief. 
The  government  of  China  could  not  consent  to 
any  line  of  action  which  was  directly  calculated 
to  deprive  its  people  of  their  work  and,  hence,  of 
their  food. 

The  British  Minister,  at  one  point  in  the  con- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  23 


versation,  called  the  attention  of  the  prince  to  the 
superior  quality  of  the  silk  thread  made  by  ma- 
chines over  that  produced  by  hand  labor,  and 
gave  this  fact  as  the  cause  of  the  increase  of  the 
silk  trade  in  Japan,  where  filatures  were  used,  and 
the  corresponding  decrease  in  the  industry  in 
China.  The  minister  evidently  sought  to  play 
upon  the  well-known  jealousy  existing  between 
the  two  nations.  But  the  prince  replied,  some- 
what stiffly  but  with  all  due  courtesy,  that  that 
related  to  a class  of  questions  with  which  his  gov- 
ernment never  interfered.  Those  matters  be- 
longed entirely  to  the  manufacturers  and  mer- 
chants, who  were  quite  competent  to  deal  with 
them.  Doubtless,  if  they  discovered  that  better 
silk,  for  example,  was  needed  to  meet  the  de- 
mands of  consumers,  they  would  provide  a better 
quality.  That  was  their  own  business,  with 
which  the  government  had  nothing  whatever 
to  do. 

It  may  be  added  just  here,  that  the  interest  of 
the  British  Minister  in  these  cases  came  to  an 
early  and  abrupt  termination.  He  received  a 
peremptory  instruction  from  London,  directing 
him  to  drop  the  business  and  to  make  no  further 
effort  to  protect  the  rights  or  the  investment  of 
the  English  merchants  in  the  case.  The  reason 
given  was  characteristic,  selfish,  and  wise,  from 


24  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


the  standpoint  of  British  interests.  Her  Britan- 
nic Majesty’s  Government  did  not  desire  to  en- 
courage the  introduction  of  manufacturing  in- 
dustries into  China,  which,  at  some  future  day, 
might  lessen  the  Chinese  demand  for  British 
manufactured  products. 

The  Peiho  River,  from  Tientsin  to  a point  near 
Peking,  a distance  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
miles,  forms  a part  of  the  famous  Grand  Canal 
of  China.  For  centuries  it  has  supported  an 
enormous  traffic,  and  furnished  employment  to 
a correspondingly  large  number  of  Chinese. 
When  the  government  determined  to  construct  a 
line  of  railway  between  the  two  cities  named,  a 
feeling  of  uneasiness  was  developed,  not  only 
among  the  boat  population,  but  throughout  the 
innumerable  villages  which  line  the  river  banks, 
and  in  which  the  main  business  is  to  supply  the 
wants  of  the  boatmen.  The  feeling  grew  as  the 
construction  of  the  road  progressed,  until  it 
amounted  to  open  and  widespread  riot.  Sec- 
tions of  the  line  were  torn  up  and  some  bridges 
were  destroyed.  Rebuilt,  they  were  again  de- 
molished. This  was  no  bigoted  and  supersti- 
tious uprising,  nor  was  it,  in  any  sense,  an  anti- 
foreign  demonstration.  The  people  simply 
feared  a diversion  of  traffic  from  the  river  to  the 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  25 


railroad,  hence  a loss  of  employment,  and  conse- 
quent want  and  suffering  to  them. 

A conference  took  place  between  the  authori- 
ties and  representatives  of  the  boatmen  and  vil- 
lagers. Perfect  frankness  and  independence  of 
speech  were  safely  indulged  in  by  the  latter,  quite 
as  much  as  would  be  allowed  in  any  democratic 
government.  The  authorities  explained  their 
purposes,  assured  the  representatives  of  the  peo- 
ple that  no  considerable  quantity  of  business 
would  be  withdrawn  from  the  river,  and,  in  par- 
ticular, gave  pledges  that  certain  of  the  most  im- 
portant classes  of  merchandise  should  continue 
indefinitely  to  be  transported  by  the  river  route. 
This  amicable  adjustment  having  been  reached, 
the  rioters  apologized  for  having  created  the  dis- 
turbance and  having  “ troubled  the  heart  of  the 
Emperor.”  They  pleaded  their  anxieties  in  ex- 
cuse. Their  excuse  and  apologies  were  accepted, 
and  they  never  troubled  the  road  thereafter. 

The  incident  is  interesting  from  several  points 
of  view.  It  gives  a striking  illustration  of  the 
relations  existing  between  the  government  and 
people,  and  shows  them  to  be  paternal  rather  than 
despotic.  The  trouble  arose  within  easy  reach  of 
Peking,  and  the  official  who  had  control  of  the 
settlement  was  named,  and  sent  from  the  capital 


26  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


for  that  purpose,  by  the  Emperor  in  person.  The 
independence  of  thought,  speech,  and  bearing 
upon  the  one  part,  the  recognition  of  the  rights  of 
the  people,  and  the  justice  of  their  grievance,  and 
the  spirit  of  conciliation  and  forbearance  upon 
the  other,  are  not  exceptional.  The  class  of  peo- 
ple among  whom  the  disturbance  originated  is  the 
lowest  and  the  most  ignorant  to  be  found  in 
China.  Yet  they  were  able  to  recognize  a danger 
and  to  formulate  a complaint  upon  intelligent 
grounds,  and  to  present  it  in  such  manner  as  to 
secure  respectful  hearing  and  satisfactory  pledges 
of  protection.  Such  conferences  between  gov- 
ernment and  people  and  such  conciliatory  adjust- 
ments are  not  rare  in  China. 

The  Chinaman  is,  by  nature,  quiet,  docile,  well 
behaved,  and  very  much  given  to  the  good  habit 
of  minding  bis  own  business.  It  is,  however, 
nothing  short  of  dangerous  to  infer,  from  the 
possession  of  these  qualities,  that  he  may  be  easily 
forced  or  driven.  No  race  upon  the  earth  can  be 
more  stubborn  when  angered,  or  aroused  to  what 
is  believed  to  be  a defence  of  its  rights.  Then 
he  is  capable  of  an  unlimited,  though  sometimes 
passive,  resistance.  And,  at  other  times,  he  is 
capable  of  any  amount  of  determined  effort  and 
of  self-sacrifice.  No  edict  or  decree  of  any  em- 
peror in  Chinese  history  has  been  generally  en- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  27 


forced  by  direct  means  if  it  failed  to  meet  with 
approval  or,  at  least,  careless  indifference.  It 
might  not  be  actively  opposed,  but  would  be 
evaded,  ignored,  and  then  allowed  to  die  of  neg- 
lect. It  is  probably  true  that  there  are  a multi- 
tude of  laws  upon  the  books  of  government  which 
must  be  obnoxious  to  the  people,  yet  which  are 
apparently  of  full  force  and  are  obeyed.  But  the 
Chinaman  is  expert  in  a system  of  balances  and 
adjustments,  and  any  careful  study  into  the  way 
and  manner  in  which  such  a law  is  obeyed  will 
speedily  show  that  the  obedience  is  nominal,  and 
that  in  fact  the  statute  is  a dead  letter. 

It  is  a mistake  to  suppose  that  the  Chinaman 
lacks  keenness  of  perception,  power  to  realize  a 
wrong,  or  memory  to  retain  the  feeling  produced 
by  it.  Upon  the  contrary,  he  is  sensitive  to  a 
fault.  And  while  he  may  have  his  own  peculiar 
notions  of  indignity  or  outrage,  and  his  own 
ideas  of  what  constitutes  suitable  revenge,  he  is 
certain  to  demonstrate,  soon  or  late,  that  he  pos- 
sesses the  full  average  of  human  faculties  in  each 
of  these  directions.  He  cannot  be  handled  with 
indifference,  nor  wronged  with  impunity.  The 
will  of  the  “ man  of  the  West  ” cannot  be  safely 
worked  out  upon  him,  in  quiet  disregard  of  his 
own  inclinations  and  choice. 

Nor  is  money  an  invariable  panacea  and  heal- 


28  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


ing  balm  for  all  the  wounds  and  bruises  which 
violence  or  accident  may  inflict  upon  the  body  or 
spirit  of  even  the  lowest  type  of  Chinese.  Here, 
again,  they  may  have  their  peculiar  notions  and 
ideas.  A trifling  coin  may  atone  for  a kick  or 
blow,  while  no  available  sum  will  heal  the  wound 
caused  by  a jeering  or  an  insulting  word.  And 
it  is  not  always  safe  to  assume  that  when  money 
is  accepted  in  such  cases,  the  bruise  is  reduced 
and  the  incident  closed.  The  lowest  of  them, 
even  the  naked  and  loathsome  beggars  upon  the 
streets,  are  keen  to  exact  every  mark  of  deference 
and  respect  given  to  gentlemen.  As  a rule,  they 
freely  concede  to  others  what  they  exact  for 
themselves.  If  refused,  they  have  been  known 
to  take  an  ugly  revenge. 

Intelligent  Chinese,  in  comparing  themselves 
with  Americans  or  Europeans,  are  rather  fond  of 
summing  up  the  results  with  the  phrase  “ta  t’ung, 
hsiao  yi,”  or,  to  put  it  into  plainer  language,  “ like 
in  essentials,  unlike  in  unimportant  points.”  And 
this  phrase  correctly  represents  any  just  compari- 
son of  the  Chinaman  with  the  “ man  of  the 
West.”  The  former  has  frequently  been  called 
“ the  Anglo-Saxon  of  the  Orient.”  And  any 
reader  who  has  followed  carefully  through  the 
pages  of  this  chapter  cannot  have  failed  to  notice 
the  fact  that,  so  far  as  it  described  the  peculiari- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  29 


ties  of  the  Chinese,  it  was  also  describing  the 
characteristics  of  the  American  or  Englishman. 

Accepting  this  as  a correct  statement  o£  fact, 
there  can  be  but  one  wise  or  politic  rule  by  which 
to  shape  our  conduct  toward  the  Chinese:  To 

treat  them  as  we  expect  other  men  to  treat  us. 


CHAPTER  II. 


CHINESE  CHARACTER. 

Any  serious  study  of  the  Chinese  nature  is 
involved  in  perplexities  and  apparently  insolu- 
ble conundrums.  While  a portion  of  these  are 
superficial  and  disappear  with  a deeper  insight 
and  truer  understanding,  others  are  wrought 
into  the  fibre  of  the  man.  No  amount  of  general 
knowledge  of  humanity,  intimate  acquaintance 
with  the  race,  or  close  companionship  with 
individual  members  of  it,  will  enable  an  Occi- 
dental to  predicate  exactly  what  the  Chinese  will 
do  under  any  given  combination  of  circum- 
stances. They  are  full  of  contradictions. 

Nationally  speaking,  the  Chinaman  is  a very 
old  man,  the  oldest  man  in  the  world  by  very 
many  centuries.  Yet,  with  a fixedness  of  char- 
acter, reaching  in  certain  directions  to  absolute 
crystallization,  he  possesses  the  virility  of  young 
manhood  and  many  of  the  mutually  inconsistent 
traits  of  late  childhood  and  early  youth.  Any 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  31 


one  who  takes  the  Celestial  to  be  a child  will 
find  him  very  much  of  a man.  And  any  one 
who  accepts  him  as  a man  will  be  astonished  to 
discover  the  number  of  points  in  which  he  is 
a child.  Men  wonder  at  his  ignorance  of  the 
fundamental  principles  of  political  economy. 
Yet  the  cardinal  theories  of  Adam  Smith  and 
John  Stuart  Mill  were  fully  expounded — and 
some  of  them  exploded — by  the  Chinese  more 
than  twenty-five  centuries  ago.  The  clean-cut 
discrimination  between  productive  and  unpro- 
ductive labor,  between  useful  and  useless  wealth, 
was  as  well  realized  then  as  now.  The  theories 
of  Henry  George  were  advocated,  put  into 
operation,  and  proved  utterly  fallacious  and 
worthless,  by  a prime  minister  of  the  Sung 
dynasty  more  than  a thousand  years  ago.  The 
importance  of  temperance  was  understood,  and 
the  man  who  discovered  the  process  of  manu- 
facturing wine  from  rice  was  banished  the 
empire  more  than  forty  centuries  ago.  Yet  the 
Chinaman  has  never  discovered  the  form  of  the 
earth,  the  natural  cause  of  eclipses,  nor  the  only 
proper  and  healthful  relationship  between  the 
sexes.  He  is  frightened  by  ghosts,  burns  counter- 
feit paper  money  to  furnish  support  to  his  ances- 
tors in  the  future  state,  and  worships  a bit  of  old 
iron  as  an  infallible  remedy  for  drought. 


32  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


Morbidly  averse  to  change,  he  is  yet  radical 
in  his  ideas.  While  he  speaks  of  the  Emperor 
with  bated  breath,  he  is  a true  and  sturdy  demo- 
crat, and  neither  emperor,  prince,  priest,  nor 
sword  can  compel  his  thoughts  nor  force  perma- 
nent injustice  upon  him.  He  listens,  with  politely 
concealed  indifference  and  dislike,  to  earnest  and 
inappropriate  exhortations  from  some  diplo- 
matic or  consular  official  upon  the  beneficent 
results  of  a railway  system  in  China,  sees  the 
selfishness  underlying  the  remarks,  and  bright- 
ens at  once  into  eager  conversation  over  the 
cost  of  the  buttons  upon  the  lecturer’s  coat,  or 
wonders  why  foreigners  have  never  discovered 
the  value  of  melon  seeds  as  an  article  of  diet. 
He  is  utterly  callous  to  the  advantages  of  tele- 
graph lines.  Yet,  when  he  once  decides  to  con- 
struct them,  he  threads  them  throughout  the 
empire  in  an  incredibly  short  space  of  time,  and 
sees  to  it  that  each  wire  goes  into  some  govern- 
ment office,  thus  creating  an  unnoticed  but 
efficient  espionage  of  every  word  which  passes 
over  them.  He  neglects  and  disbelieves  in  rail- 
way construction  until  all  the  world  wonders, 
and  then  plans  lines  which,  in  a decade,  will 
supply  all  the  more  serious  needs  of  the  entire 
country.  He  is  at  once  the  slowest  and  the  most 
rapid  of  men. 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  33 

While  upon  this  point,  it  is  only  fair  to  point 
out  that  much  of  the  intense  conservatism  of 
the  Chinese  and  of  his  so-called  insensibility  to 
the  manifest  advantages  of  foreign  improve- 
ments is,  in  fact,  due  to  obstinacy.  He  has  been 
so  bored  and  overwhelmed  with  advice,  all  inter- 
ested, as  he  believes,  and  coming  from  those 
whom  he  has  been  led  to  believe  were  his  in- 
feriors, that  he  has  been  nauseated  with  the 
whole  subject,  has  apparently  declined  to  see 
advantages  which  were  patent  to  him,  or  has 
raised  questions,  as  his  diplomatic  way  of  resent- 
ing an  impertinence  or  of  intimating  that  he 
understood  the  selfish  motive  underlying  the 
apparently  disinterested  advice.  Like  other 
men,  the  Chinese  have  a strong  desire  to  manage 
their  own  afifairs  in  their  own  way.  And  they  are 
intensely  sensitive  to  anything  like  foreign  inter- 
ference. The  Prime  Minister,  Wen  Hsiang,  once 
remarked  to  an  urgent  and  gratuitous  adviser: 
“ China  will  build  railroads  when  she  is  ready, 
and  when  she  once  begins,  the  work  will  be  done 
with  a rapidity  that  will  astonish  the  world.”  A 
more  recent  incident  may  serve  to  illustrate 
another  point  just  mentioned.  A distinguished 
English  gentleman  made  a semi-official  call  upon 
a more  distinguished  Chinese  viceroy.  After 
enlarging  at  great  length  upon  the  unsatisfactory 


34  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


condition  of  British  trade,  and  asking  the  viceroy 
whether  as  a patriotic  man  he  was  not  nervous 
over  the  prospects  of  China,  he  proceeded  to 
suggest  that  if  the  British  Government  were 
requested  to  reorganize  the  Chinese  army  under 
British  officers,  it  might,  under  certain  condi- 
tions, accept  the  task.  It  is  quite  unnecessary  to 
put  one’s  self  into  the  place  of  the  viceroy  to 
imagine  his  feelings  under  such  language  and 
such  a proposition.  It  was,  however,  far  from 
his  thought  to  resent  the  impertinence  with  the 
direct  and  brusque  speech  which  would  have 
been  the  instant  act  of  an  Occidental.  He  was 
quieter  in  his  reply,  yet  far  more  keen.  After 
expressing  his  sympathy  with  the  speaker  in  his 
remarks,  and  deep  gratitude  for  them,  he  gently 
inquired  whether  it  might  not  be  possible  to 
employ  American  and  Japanese  officers  as  well 
as  British.  If  foreigners,  and  especially  foreign 
officials,  in  their  dealings  with  the  Chinese,  would 
remember  the  wise  saying,  everywhere  current 
in  Western  lands,  “ Never  give  advice  until  it 
is  asked,”  much  of  the  apparent  stolidity  and 
dense  conservatism  credited  to  these  Orientals 
would  soon  disappear. 

For  the  Chinaman  looks  out  of  the  narrow 
slits  of  his  almond-shaped  eyes  with  a far 
broader,  more  sensible,  and  practical  view  of 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  35 


things  than  that  with  which  he  is  commonly 
credited.  And  yet,  at  the  same  time,  his  angle 
of  vision  is  so  acute  that  he  often  gets  the  most 
absurd  opinions.  There  is  no  more  perspective 
in  his  ideas  or  views  of  life  than  in  the  pictures 
which  he  paints.  He  is  capable  of  making 
clean-cut  and  nice  discriminations,  and  very 
fond  of  doing  so.  Indeed,  he  is  a natural-born 
hair-splitter.  But  he  is  frequently  a wrong  judge 
of  values,  and  his  scale  varies  widely  from  that 
universally  accepted  elsewhere.  Possessing  a 
high  standard  of  morals,  and  to  a considerable 
extent  living  in  accordance  with  it,  he  yet  places 
refinement  of  courtesy  and  manner  upon  a higher 
level,  and  condemns  a breach  of  etiquette  more 
sternly  than  a lapse  from  virtue.  Fine  penman- 
ship is  of  greater  importance  in  his  system  of 
education  than  a knowledge  of  sciences  or 
mathematics,  and  elegance  of  diction  is  more 
to  be  desired  than  correctness  or  originality  of 
thought.  The  latter  he  is  inclined  to  frown 
upon.  In  many  respects  he  is  a most  fanciful 
theorist.  He  seeks  impossible  means  of  produc- 
ing rain  at  will,  strives  to  keep  it  on  tap,  as  it 
were,  rather  than  the  practical  methods  of  pre- 
venting famine  as  a result  of  drought  by  provid- 
ing easy  and  rapid  means  of  intercommunication 
and  food  transport.  He  paints  or  embroiders 


36  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


tigers  green  and  camels  blue,  and  provides  toy 
specimens  in  those  colors  for  his  children,  not 
because  any  such  creations  exist,  but  because 
such  distortions  of  nature  please  his  aesthetic  eye. 

Upon  the  other  hand,  he  is  a close  and  logical 
reasoner.  While  many  of  his  discriminations 
appear  to  be  far-fetched  and  fanciful,  yet,  accept- 
ing them  as  a basis,  his  conclusions  are  natural, 
give  evidence  of  mental  balance  and  acumen, 
and  are  deserving  of  respect.  Two  matters  of 
immediate  interest  may  serve  to  illustrate  this 
statement.  In  order  to  provide  funds  with  which 
to  pay  the  Japanese  indemnity,  the  Chinese 
Government  found  it  necessary  to  hypothecate 
the  lekin  tax  receipts  of  the  empire.  This  action 
has  produced  the  most  intense  irritation  among 
all  classes  throughout  China,  and  has  contributed 
seriously  to  produce  the  recent  outbreak.  There 
are  two  features  of  this  irritation  which  may 
strike  the  reader  curiously.  It  is  not  felt  toward 
the  Manchu  government  which  gave  this  secu- 
rity, but  toward  the  foreigner  who  exacted  it. 
And  the  foreign  customs  revenue  has  repeatedly 
been  pledged  by  the  Chinese  authorities  to 
secure  foreign  loans  without  exciting  ill-feeling 
or  remark.  Why  this  irritation  in  the  one  case 
and  complacency  in  the  other?  And  why 
should  the  popular  resentment  be  directed 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  37 


against  the  foreigners  who  accepted  the  security 
rather  than  against  the  authority  at  Peking 
which  proffered  it? 

The  answers  to  these  questions  may  show  a 
peculiar  and  over-nice  discrimination,  but  they 
will  also  show  a logical  train  of  thought.  The 
Chinaman  has  never  regarded  the  foreign  cus- 
toms revenue  as  anything  which  belonged  to 
him.  No  portion  of  it  either  came  from  or  went 
into  his  pocket,  and  hence  it  did  not  concern 
him  in  the  least.  It  was  made  up  of  sums  of 
money  which  foreigners  paid  to  the  Emperor  for 
the  privilege  of  selling  their  foreign  ■ goods  in 
China,  or  for  the  privilege  of  purchasing  na- 
tive goods  to  sell  at  home.  Hence  to  hypothe- 
cate the  foreign  customs  revenue  was  natural 
and  proper.  If  the  Emperor  needed  funds,  the 
foreigners  advanced  whatever  sum  he  desired, 
and  retained  each  year  a small  portion  of  the 
money  which  they  would  otherwise  pay  him  for 
trading  privileges  until  the  entire  advance  was 
cancelled.  The  transaction  did  not  affect  the 
people  of  China  nor  concern  them  in  any  way. 
But  the  lekin  tax  was  quite  another  affair.  It 
was  the  money  of  the  Chinese  people  collected 
from  their  pockets  by  their  authorities,  for 
the  expenses  of  the  administration  and  pro- 
tection of  their  interests.  Their  money  was 


38  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


being  taken  and  paid  to  foreigners.  Here  was 
double  cause  for  anger.  Not  only  was  their 
money  being  diverted  from  its  proper  destination 
into  the  pockets  of  a hated  class,  but  additional 
taxation  would  be  necessary  in  order  to  carry  on 
the  government.  And  a bitter  cry  swept 
throughout  the  empire  that  the  people  were 
being  taxed  to  pay  the  foreigners.  It  made  no 
difference  whatever  that  the  lekin  was  only 
hypothecated,  and  that  not  a coin  of  it  need 
leave  China  if  the  foreign  loan  could  be  met 
from  other  sources.  The  masses  of  the  popula- 
tion cared  nothing  for  such  distinctions.  That 
the  excitement  was  directed  against  the  foreigner 
rather  than  the  Peking  authorities  is  equally 
natural.  The  Chinese  are  experts  in  the  science 
and  art  of  money  borrowing  and  lending,  and 
quite  understand  all  questions  of  security  for 
loans.  The  Emperor  was  not  at  fault,  as  he  was 
forced  to  give  whatever  security  the  lender  de- 
manded. But  the  demand  of  the  lender  for  the 
lekin  aroused  their  anger.  It  was  a fresh  effort 
of  the  foreigners  to  strip  the  Chinese.  And  the 
end  of  that  anger  has  not  yet  come. 

The  second  illustration  is  not  less  in  point. 
Much  contempt  was  heaped  upon  the  Chinese 
soldiers  during  the  recent  war  with  Japan  for 
their  very  indifferent  fighting,  and  many  broad 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  39 


and  sweeping  generalities,  complimentary  neither 
to  soldiery  nor  people,  were  indulged  in.  A 
corresponding  degree  of  surprise  is  being  ex- 
pressed at  present  at  the  bravery,  hardihood,  and 
bitter  fighting  qualities  shown  by  these  same 
forces  in  recent  battles  with  American  and 
European  troops.  Why  were  they  cowards  then 
and  brave  now?  The  answer  is  near  at  hand, 
and  it  is  all  a matter  of  Chinese  logic.  The 
Chinaman,  soldier  or  civilian,  cares  nothing  for 
Corea  or  Manchuria.  They  constitute  no  part 
of  “ The  Eighteen  Provinces”  which  fill  his  con- 
ception of  his  native  land.  While  he  has  no 
dislike  of  his  Manchu  sovereign  except  upon 
sentimental  grounds,  yet  he  does  not  care  to 
fight  his  battles  for  him  unless  they  are  the 
battles  of  China  as  well.  The  Japanese  war  was 
regarded  by  the  masses  of  the  Chinese  as  a sort 
of  personal  difficulty  between  the  Emperors  of 
China  and  Japan  over  a country  foreign  to  both. 
They  regarded  it,  at  first,  with  a great  amount 
of  philosophy,  and  only  were  seriously  stirred 
when  the  current  of  war  swept  over  to  Chinese 
soil.  Then  it  was  too  late.  But  their  wrath  has 
been  rising  continuously  since,  and  they  fight 
now  because  they  believe  their  country  to  be  in 
danger.  The  Emperor  counts  for  little,  but 
China  is  everything.  Humiliated  by  Japan,  terri- 


4o  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


tory  seized  by  nominal  friends — Port  Arthur  by 
Russia,  Wei  Hai  Wei  by  Great  Britain,  and  Kiao 
Cho  by  Germany — their  lekin  tax  pawned  to 
pay  for  the  humiliation  received  from  Japan, 
their  distrust  and  suspicion  of  all  foreigners 
have  condensed  into  certainty  and  fear.  Hence 
the  Chinese  is  now  a fighting  man. 

It  is  difficult  to  analyze  the  Chinese  mental 
conformation  down  to  what  may  be  termed 
original  characteristics.  It  is  impossible  to  deter- 
mine to  what  extent  customs  and  rules  of  con- 
duct, rigidly  and  uniformly  enforced  through 
more  than  a score  of  centuries,  may  have  modi- 
fied natural  traits.  He  is  too  old.  There  lies 
too  heavy  a veneer  of  formality,  etiquette,  and 
propriety  upon  the  surface  to  allow  an  accurate 
determination  of  the  nature  of  the  substance 
underneath.  Then  the  question  arises  whether 
these  rules  of  life,  nowhere  so  precise,  minute, 
and  extensive  as  in  China,  have  first  shaped  the 
man  and  then  in  turn  been  shaped  by  him,  each 
acting  and  reacting  upon  the  other,  until  all 
semblance  of  the  original  character  of  either  has 
gone.  Take  the  home  life  of  the  Chinese  by  way 
of  illustration.  He  is  very  domestic  in  his  tastes, 
yet  appears  not  to  be  fond  of  his  family.  Of  his 
sons,  which  his  religious  notions  make  necessary 
to  his  happiness  in  the  future  state,  he  always 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  41 


speaks  in  terms  of  contempt.  The  veneer  is, 
however,  so  thin  at  this  point  as  to  render  pride 
and  satisfaction  plainly  visible  beneath.  But 
what  of  his  feelings  toward  his  wife  and  daugh- 
ters? Are  his  indifference  and  masterful  attitude 
toward  them  the  natural,  original  growth  of  his 
character,  or  are  they  vicious  grafts  set  there 
under  false  rules  of  life  and  fostered  by  inhuman 
theories?  Has  the  Chinaman  always  believed 
that  a woman  has  no  soul,  or  is  the  wicked  belief 
the  outcome  of  wicked  practice?  The  peculiar 
rules  under  which  betrothals  and  marriages  are 
arranged  and  celebrated  render  any  affection 
between  the  parties  immediately  concerned  im- 
possible in  advance  of  wedlock.  And  the  degrad- 
ing position  of  the  young  wife  in  the  family  of 
her  mother-in-law  renders  suicide  not  uncom- 
mon, the  growth  of  any  respect  and  affection  for 
her  from  her  husband  extremely  rare,  and  exhibi- 
tions of  these  homely  virtues  quite  unknown. 
Are  these  monstrosities  of  character  natural  to 
the  Chinaman,  or  has  a better  disposition  been 
dwarfed  and  distorted  by  vicious  education? 

Another  class  of  similar  questions  furnish 
subjects  for  curious  and  fascinating  study.  Are 
many  of  the  ideas,  customs,  modes  of  thought, 
and  practices  of  the  Chinese  to  be  taken  as  the 
results  of  extreme  age  or  of  youth?  Are  they 


42  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


the  developments  of  a first  or  a second  childhood? 
Is  the  intense  superstition  of  the  Chinese  to  be 
regarded  as  the  religious  idea  gone  to  seed,  or  is 
it  that  idea  in  embryo?  Is  his  intense  Chinese 
fueling  genuine  patriotism  not  yet  developed 
into  its  highest  form,  or  is  it  that  noble  trait 
dried  and  shrivelled  into  mere  affection  for  the 
spot  where  he  was  born?  Is  his  marvellous 
economy  the  outgrowth  of  centuries  of  necessity, 
or  centuries  of  greed,  or  is  it  childish  ignorance 
of  the  fact  that  money  is  only  valuable  as  a 
means? 

The  idea  of  filial  piety,  as  held  by  the  Chinese, 
and  as  regulated  and  determined  by  law,  amounts 
to  actual  tyranny.  Is  this  the  unchecked  growth, 
through  many  centuries,  of  the  original  proper 
feeling  of  respect  and  honor  toward  parents? 
Or  is  it,  in  its  present  form,  the  original  idea 
which  has  never  been  restrained  and  brought 
into  proper  relationship  to  other  duties  and 
virtues?  The  Chinese  form  of  government  is 
essentially  paternal  despotism.  Is  this  offen- 
sive form  of  the  paternal  theory  a result  of  the 
old  age  of  the  empire?  Or  does  it  indicate 
a race  of  children  who  have  never  developed 
any  theories  of  self-government?  Ancestral 
worship  may  be  called  the  original  cult  of  the 
Chinese.  Was  it,  at  the  dawn  of  the  race,  a 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  43 


simple  memorial  service  of  affection  and  regard 
for  the  dead,  such,  for  example,  as  the  peo- 
ple of  the  United  States  observe  annually  at 
the  graves  of  Union  and  Confederate  soldiers? 
Has  it  grown  from  that  into  a form  of  idola- 
try ? Or  does  it  represent  the  religious  idea 
of  a race  which,  at  the  end  of  forty  centuries, 
is  still  unable  to  distinguish  between  dead  men 
and  an  eternally  living  Deity?  Is  their  worship 
of  heaven  a degradation  of  an  original  worship 
of  the  Creator,  or  have  they  never  yet  grown 
old  enough  to  find  Him?  Is  there  any  connec- 
tion, other  than  incidental,  between  the  Chinese 
ritual  of  the  worship  of  Heaven  and  the  Mosaic 
ritual  of  sacrifice  to  Jehovah?  The  similarity  be- 
tween the  two  is  so  striking  that  some  have  been 
misled  into  a belief  that  they  represent  the  same 
worship. 

The  Chinese  have  a strong  natural  sense  of 
order,  which  has  been  developed  to  a remark- 
able extent.  By  rule  and  precedent  everything 
has  been  brought  within  a well-defined,  cut-and- 
dried  system.  They  have  strong,  though  some- 
times peculiar,  ideas  of  the  fitness  of  things. 
Their  flowers  are  trained  and  forced  until  each 
month  of  the  year  has  its  own  special  and  par- 
ticular complement  of  blossoms.  They  main- 
tain, so  to  speak,  a suitable  balance  of  power 


44  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


between  the  spirits  of  their  dead  emperors  by 
burying  their  bodies  alternatelyat  equal  distances 
to  the  east  and  the  west  of  the  capital.  Their 
ideas  of  the  unfitness  of  consanguineous  alliances 
are  so  extreme  that  two  persons  bearing  a com- 
mon surname  are  not  allowed  to  intermarry. 
As  there  are  but  one  hundred  recognized  family 
names  in  the  empire,  the  effect  of  this  rule  is 
more  serious  than  it  would  be  in  any  other 
country. 

No  father  may  prostrate  himself  before  his 
son,  though  the  latter  may  be  his  emperor. 
Given  names  or  informal  and  familiar  modes  of 
address  must  not  be  used  between  equals  even 
in  the  case  of  brothers  or  lifelong  friends.  No 
degree  of  intimacy  is  held  sufficient  to  justify  it. 
Chinese  music  is  probably  the  worst  in  the  world. 
The  time  kept  by  the  players  is  the  best.  All 
dwellings  of  the  better  sort  must  face  the  south. 
Pagodas  must  have  an  odd  number  of  stories, 
and  an  odd  number  of  days  must  elapse  between 
a death  and  the  burial  of  the  corpse.  Temples 
dedicated  to  the  worship  of  the  heavens,  earth, 
sun,  and  moon  are  placed,  respectively,  at  the 
south,  north,  east,  and  west  of  the  capital  of 
the  empire.  The  altar  whereupon  sacrifice  to 
heaven  is  made  must  be  round,  because  heaven 
is  round,  and  the  corresponding  altar  to  the 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  45 


earth  must  be  square,  because,  as  the  Chinese 
believe,  the  earth  is  square.  Thus  an  autocratic, 
and  often  apparently  automatic,  rule  of  order 
and  sense  of  fitness  runs  through  everything 
which  touches,  concerns,  or  affects  the  Chinese 
life.  It  reaches  to  the  most  minute  details,  and 
the  argument  that  such  and  such  an  arrangement 
or  plan  is  disorderly,  unfit,  or  irregular,  no  matter 
how  trivial  the  point  may  be,  is  fatal  to  its 
acceptance.  That  delightful  apparent  disorder, 
often  so  acceptable  to  the  eye  and  the  taste,  finds 
no  supporters  among  the  Chinese. 

With  the  masses  of  the  people,  the  explanation 
that  such  is  the  old  custom  is  a quite  sufficient 
explanation  for  any  particular  arrangement, 
practice,  or  rule  of  action.  Yet  the  Chinaman 
has  strongly  developed  reasoning  faculties.  He 
has  his  own  ideas,  and  is  quite  fond  of  searching 
down  to  the  bottom  of  things.  He  is  much 
given  to  argument,  as  those  who  have  conducted 
diplomatic  business  with  him  have  found,  some- 
times to  the  great  trial  of  their  patience  and 
good-nature.  He  has  a reason  for  everything, 
which,  given  a little  time,  he  will  readily  pro- 
duce. If  taken  suddenly  and  unawares,  he, 
promptly  and  with  great  composure,  invents 
one.  Among  the  educated  and  official  classes 
of  the  Chinese  there  is  found  as  high  an  average 


46  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


of  logical  and  reasoning  ability  as  elsewhere  in 
the  world.  Though  here  that  lack  of  perspec- 
tive, over-acute  angle  of  vision,  and  consequent 
distorted  ideas  of  the  comparative  size  and  im- 
portance of  various  objects  of  thought,  already 
mentioned,  is  not  infrequently  found. 

An  unfavorable  and  unjust  idea  of  the  mental 
acumen  of  the  race  often  comes  from  the  fact  that 
in  a battle  of  words  a Chinese  antagonist  never 
brings  up  his  strongest  forces  first.  He  plays 
with  his  enemy  as  a fisherman  plays  his  fish.  He 
advances  one  puerile  argument  after  another, 
watching  closely  their  effect,  and  only  brings  up 
his  real  army  when  all  these  men  of  straw  have 
been  demolished  and  cast  aside.  Sometimes  he 
does  not  care  to  give  his  actual  arguments  at 
all.  This  is  especially  true  when  foreigners  are 
his  antagonists.  And  many  of  the  ideas,  current 
in  Western  lands,  regarding  the  absurd  notions 
and  prejudices  of  the  Chinese  are  due  to  this 
peculiar  and  unfortunate  reticence.  Half  of  the 
arguments  reported  abroad  as  operative  in  the 
Chinese  mind  to  the  exclusion  of  railways  and 
other  modern  improvements  are  merely  these 
straw  words.  They  never  found  lodgment  or 
were  given  serious  weight  in  the  minds  of  intelli- 
gent Chinese. 

The  ignorant  lower  classes  are  equally  fond 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  47 


of  argument  with  their  betters,  and  they,  too, 
have  a reason  for  everything.  The  absurdity  of 
these  reasons  often  reaches  the  grotesque.  Yet 
they  appear  to  give  satisfaction  to  those  by 
whom  they  are  held,  and  a laboring  man  will 
sometimes  establish  quite  a reputation  for  dis- 
tinguished ability  among  his  fellows  by  some 
sober  yet  nonsensical  explanation  of  what  is  an 
insoluble  puzzle  to  the  rest.  Thus  a Chinese 
boatman  at  Shanghai,  being  asked  why  an  eye 
was  painted  upon  either  bow  of  all  native  craft, 
promptly  and  gravely  replied : “ No  got  eye,  how 
can  see?  No  can  see,  how  can  sabee?  No  can 
sabee,  how  can  makee  walkee  walkee?  ” (If  it 
has  no  eye,  how  can  it  see?  If  it  cannot  see,  how 
can  it  know?  If  it  cannot  know,  how  can  it 
travel?)  Thus  again,  a Chinese  hotel-keeper  hav- 
ing an  impecunious  American  guest  at  an  agreed 
price  of  one  dollar  a day,  when  six  months  had 
passed  and  no  payment  whatever  had  been 
made,  voluntarily  reduced  the  price  of  his  guest’s 
board  to  half  a dollar  each  day  in  order  that,  as 
he  explained,  he  should  not  lose  so  much  money 
by  him ! A group  of  workmen  stood  intently 
watching  the  writer  one  day  in  the  largest  car- 
riage builder’s  establishment  in  Peking,  as  he 
was  clumsily  engaged  in  placing  a pair  of  springs 
upon  a Pekingese  cart.  Such  articles  as  springs 


48  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


had  never  been  seen  before  in  the  Chinese  capital, 
and  no  workman  would  venture  to  put  them  in 
place.  Conjecture  was  rife  among  the  group 
as  to  the  use  of  those  strange-shaped  pieces  of 
metal,  and  many  suggestions  were  made.  At 
last  the  foreman  of  the  establishment  said:  “Oh, 
I know!  In  foreign  lands  they  have  carriages 
which  will  travel  without  being  drawn  by  any 
animal,  and  this  contrivance  which  he  is  fasten- 
ing upon  the  cart  will  make  it  go  of  itself.” 
A satisfied  grunt  passed  around  the  group,  the 
foreman  was  admired  and  respected  even  more 
than  ever,  and  doubtless  the  workmen  astonished 
their  neighbors  by  declaring  that  they  had  seen 
a foreign  automobile. 

The  Chinese  have  a keenly  sensitive  aesthetic 
taste.  Evidences  of  this  fact  are  to  be  found  in 
every  direction  and  among  all  classes  of  people 
throughout  the  empire.  Their  canons  of  art 
vary  so  widely  from  those  accepted  in  Europe 
and  America  as  to  reach  direct  opposition  at 
some  points.  Yet  they  are  keenly  alive  to  the 
beautiful.  Their  love  for  the  odd  and  the  gro- 
tesque, in  imitation  or  variation  of  nature,  is 
more  apparent  than  real,  and  is  mainly  shown 
in  dwarf  copies  of  natural  objects  of  grandeur  or 
beauty.  This  is  the  result  of  necessity  rather 
than  choice,  and  should  be  credited  to  a hunger 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  49 


for  the  beautiful  so  keen  that,  in  the  absence  of 
the  originals,  they  can  find  pleasure  in  the  merest 
toy  copies.  Hence  all  over  China,  in  the  homes 
of  the  poorest,  as  well  as  of  the  wealthy,  in 
door-yards  and  dwellings,  are  to  be  found  tiny 
landscapes,  dwarf  trees,  mimic  caves  and  grot- 
toes, artificial  rock  work,  and  mountains  of  a 
few  feet  in  height,  threads  of  running  water,  or 
lakes  that  a child  might  spring  across.  All  this 
is  the  struggle  of  poverty  to  surround  and  satisfy 
itself  with  the  beautiful.  As  such  it  has  a right 
to  recognition  and  respect. 

The  family  cemeteries,  objects  of  special 
veneration  and  regard  among  the  Chinese,  are 
carefully  laid  out  and  adorned  to  an  extent 
often  far  beyond  the  means  of  their  owners. 
And  the  traveller  will  search  through  many 
lands,  and  visit  the  tombs  of  the  distinguished 
dead  in  them  all,  before  he  finds  a spot  more 
fit  for  an  imperial  mausoleum  than  that  lovely 
bowl,  lying  in  the  bosom  of  the  Western  Hills, 
beyond  Peking,  where,  for  six  hundred  years, 
have  rested  the  ashes  of  the  last  line  of  Chi- 
nese rulers.  Throughout  the  empire,  hill  slopes, 
mountain  crags,  and  similar  points  command- 
ing a wide  range  of  vision,  were  chosen  cen- 
turies ago  as  sites  for  their  temples,  pagodas, 
and  other  sacred  and  important  edifices.  The 


5o  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


writer  stood  one  autumn  day  by  a ruined  build- 
ing, placed  upon  the  highest  point  in  the  Im- 
perial Summer  Palace,  west  of  Peking.  Upon 
every  hand,  marring  what  must  once  have  been 
a landscape  of  exquisite  beauty,  were  blackened, 
broken,  and  roofless  walls  and  other  marks  of 
the  desolation  wrought  by  British  and  French 
troops  when  they  plundered  and  burned  this 
palace  in  i860.  Where  the  writer  stood  were  to 
be  seen  a few  Chinese  characters  recently  written 
upon  one  of  the  posts  of  a finely  wrought  but 
broken  archway.  Translated,  they  read  as  fol- 
lows : “ A gentleman  could  not  so  far  demean 
himself  as  to  consent  to  the  mutilation  and 
destruction  of  this  wondrously  beautiful  land- 
scape.” 

Chinese  literature  furnishes  innumerable  evi- 
dences of  high  standards,  in  the  main  pure  and 
true,  in  all  the  directions  which  literature  can 
reach.  In  purity  and  grace  of  diction  no  writers 
of  any  age  or  race  have  excelled  the  Chinese. 
Few  have  equalled  them.  When  the  productions 
of  some  of  the  Chinese  poets  can  be  fittingly 
translated  into  a more  familiar  tongue,  the 
writers  will  be  recognized  as  entitled  to  a place 
among  the  few  who  have  been  able  to  condense 
infinite  beauty  into  finite  words. 

The  Confucian  idea  of  correct  living  would 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  51 


best  be  represented  by  the  single  word  modera- 
tion. The  typical  human  being  is  constantly 
referred  to  in  the  writings  of  the  Chinese  sage 
as  “ the  mean  man  ” — that  is,  as  the  man  who 
avoids  extremes  of  every  sort.  Moderation  and 
dignity  are  the  constituent  elements  of  a Con- 
fucian  gentleman.  He  never  hurries,  never 
gives  way  to  excess,  is  considerate  of  the  rights 
and  prejudices  of  others,  trusts  much  to  mutual 
conciliation  and  concession,  has,  perhaps,  less  of 
manliness  than  manner  about  him,  according 
to  Western  ideas,  but  is,  in  point  of  fact,  a high 
and  admirable  type  of  manhood. 

Such  an  ideal  has,  however,  its  own  grave 
points  of  weakness.  It  centres  man  too  much 
in  himself.  It  cultivates  conceit,  laziness,  and 
hypocrisy.  It  can  never  produce  the  more 
aggressive  virtues,  such  as  bravery,  self-sacrifice, 
and  unquestioning  devotion.  It  prunes  too 
much  and  nourishes  too  little.  It  is  a theory  for 
the  student  in  his  cloister  rather  than  for  an 
active,  energetic  man  in  the  world  and  part  of  it. 
Confucianism  has  produced  but  few  martyrs  and 
no  saints.  It  cannot  appreciate  the  demand  for 
any  life  more  active,  hearty,  intense,  and  whole- 
souled  than  its  own.  The  man  who  always 
walks  thinks  the  runner  a fool.  And  if  he  has 
been  educated  into  the  belief  that  a slow,  digni- 


52  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


fied  walk  is  the  limit  of  any  decent,  legitimate 
rate  of  progress,  he  soon  and  naturally  becomes 
the  bitter  critic  of  any  to  whom  a more  rapid 
gait  is  necessary.  To  the  Confucianist  the  mod- 
ern driving  man  of  business  may  not  be  a lunatic, 
but  he  is  no  gentleman,  and  an  enemy  to  all  that 
is  proper  and  becoming. 

Such  as  it  is,  the  Confucian  theory  of  life  has 
dominated  China  for  twenty-five  hundred  years. 
In  all  that  time  it  has  met  with  no  serious  con- 
tinued opposition,  been  confronted  with  no  rival 
theory  which  might  check  or  modify  its  influence 
upon  the  people.  It  is  impossible  to  overestimate 
its  effect  upon  the  character  of  the  Chinese. 
Unquestionably,  it  elevated  them  far  above  the 
level  of  all  surrounding  tribes  and  races.  It 
made  them  probably  the  most  civilized  race  to 
be  found,  at  one  time,  upon  the  earth.  It  ap- 
pears to  have  fixed  and  fastened  many  of  the 
quieter  virtues  permanently  in  the  disposition 
of  the  Chinese.  But  it  could  only  lift  them  to- 
ward its  own  level,  and  leave  them  there.  And, 
in  its  effect  upon  the  China  of  to-day,  it  has  done 
what  the  bandages  do  to  a Chinese  baby’s  foot, 
shaped  it  according  to  the  form  and  manner  of 
antique  ideas,  checked  the  flow  of  life  through 
it,  and  left  it  crippled. 

Confucianism  has  thus  operated  as  a constant 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  53 


repressive  force  upon  the  natural  tendencies  and 
inclinations  of  the  race.  And  it  has  worked  out 
some  peculiar  and  unfortunate  results.  It  has 
made  China  a cyclone  country,  not  as  regards 
the  action  of  the  winds  of  heaven,  but  in  render- 
ing inevitable  the  sudden  outburst  of  human 
passions.  Patience,  quietness,  docility  are  virtues 
found  to  a remarkable  extent  among  the  Chinese. 
But  human  nature,  the  same  in  China  as  else- 
where, must  have  some  outlet  for  the  escape  of 
superfluous  energy  and  feeling.  Confucianism 
furnished  none.  It  was  uniform,  unvaried  re- 
pression. And  hence,  nowhere  else  so  sudden 
and  dangerous,  are  seen  in  China  those  blind, 
inexplicable  whirlwinds  of  frenzy.  They  occur  in 
individual  cases  every  day.  The  staid,  decorous 
gentleman  becomes  a maniac  in  his  rage  over 
some  matter  so  trivial  as  not  to  deserve  notice. 
The  difference  of  the  twentieth  part  of  a cent  in 
the  price  of  a fish,  or  of  an  ounce  in  the  weight, 
will  cause  white-headed  old  gentlemen  who 
have  just  been  exchanging  snuff,  quoting  Con- 
fucius, and  paying  compliments  to  each  other, 
to  foam  at  the  mouth,  hurl  offensive  epithets 
at  the  ancestors  and  female  relatives  of  each, 
and  strip  for  personal  combat  in  the  public 
street.  All  sense  and  reason  are  gone.  The 
cases  are  not  infrequent  in  which  individuals 


54  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


commit  suicide  in  order  to  revenge  themselves 
upon  the  object  of  their  wrath.  Aged  women, 
grandmothers,  shout  and  scream  themselves 
dumb,  strip  themselves  naked,  and  rave  in  un- 
mentionable words,  all  in  the  presence  of  a 
crowd  of  spectators,  and  all  for  the  most  absurd 
trifle. 

These  are  individual,  and  comparatively  harm- 
less, cyclones  of  passion.  It  is  when  similar 
storms  of  rage  affect  masses  of  the  people  and 
sweep  over  great  centres  of  population  or  wide 
areas  of  territory  that  results,  sickening  in  their 
horror,  are  to  be  expected.  Then  the  Chinaman 
is  a beast,  drunk,  mad,  and  ferocious.  Nothing 
is  too  horrible  for  him  to  conceive,  too  fiendish 
for  him  to  execute.  Gentle,  and  possessing  but 
slight  inventive  faculty  when  sane,  in  his  fits 
of  frenzy  he  will  invent  and  execute  modes  of 
cruelty  and  torture  which  would  cause  all  the 
other  human  butchers  of  history  to  shudder. 

Many  of  these  cyclones  of  Chinese  fear  and 
wrath  originate  in  some  one  or  more  of  their 
superstitious  ideas.  A story  gains  currency  that 
a spirit  has  been  seen  to  drop  a powder,  pure 
white  but  deadly,  into  a village  well.  No  one 
can  be  found  who  saw  the  act,  no  person  has 
suffered  from  use  of  the  water  of  that  well. 
But  this  counts  for  nothing.  In  an  instant, 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  55 


sense,  judgment,  reason  are  all  unknown  forces 
throughout  that  entire  region.  All  labor  is 
suspended,  the  people  huddle  together  like 
frightened  sheep,  vigilance  committees  are  ap- 
pointed, and  any  unfortunate  stranger  had 
better  never  have  been  born  than  to  come  within 
the  grip  of  that  raging  mob  of  demons.  A few 
days  or  weeks  pass,  nothing  serious  has  hap- 
pened to  the  people  of  the  locality,  the  atmos- 
phere gradually  clears,  and  that  cyclone  is  over. 
They  are,  however,  seldom  so  harmless  in  their 
outcome. 

The  majority  of  the  outbreaks,  in  which  for- 
eigners have  suffered,  have  been  produced  by 
rumors  of  supernatural  powers  possessed  by 
them  and  used  to  the  injury  of  the  Chinese. 
They  were  said  to  dig  out  the  eyes  of  infants, 
which  with  other  parts  of  the  body  were  used 
in  the  preparation  of  a magic  powder,  which 
powder,  given  or  even  shown  to  a Chinese,  would 
instantly  deprive  him  of  his  will,  and  make  him 
the  slave  of  the  foreigner.  It  was  this  prepos- 
terous lie  that  caused  the  Tientsin  massacre  of 
1870  to  sweep  out  of  a clear  sky  and,  in  two 
and  a half  hours  of  violence,  to  bring  horrible 
deaths  to  twenty-three  foreigners,  the  majority 
of  whom  were  devoted  Sisters  of  Charity.  So 
universal  and  persistent  is  the  belief  in  this 


56  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


stupid  story  of  the  use  to  which  babies’  eyes  are 
put  by  foreigners,  that  let  any  person  of  that 
class  pass  along  the  street  of  a Chinese  town  or 
city,  and  the  eyes  of  every  baby  whom  he  comes 
near  will  be  quickly  covered  by  the  hands  of  the 
person  having  it  in  charge. 

The  habit  of  repression  paves  the  way  for 
grudge  and  grievance  to  be  held  and  cherished 
in  secret.  These  may  exist  and  grow  for  years 
unsuspected  beneath  the  bland  and  expression- 
less face  of  the  Chinese,  until  some  trifle,  perhaps 
quite  unconnected  with  the  original  complaint, 
brings  the  crisis  and  lets  loose  the  storm.  The 
Boxer  movement  must  be  explained  in  this 
way.  To  reach  its  source,  one  must  go  back 
sixty  years,  to  the  very  beginning  of  any  inter- 
course or  association  between  Chinese  and 
foreigners.  To  understand  its  power  and  mo- 
mentum, the  anti-foreign  feeling,  originated 
then,  must  be  traced  as  it  spread  throughout 
the  empire,  and  studied  as  it  was  fed  by  one 
incident  after  another,  aggravated  by  a thousand 
mutual  misunderstandings  and  genuine  causes 
of  complaint,  deepened  by  actual  and  imaginary 
attacks  upon  the  integrity  and  independence  of 
the  nation,  broadened  and  widened  by  offensive 
airs  of  patronage  and  superior  wisdom  and 
inexcusable  acts  of  injustice  and  wrong,  until 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  57 


this  feeling  reached  the  danger  point  at  the  close 
of  the  war  with  Japan.  Then  followed  shortly 
thereafter  the  occupation  of  two  small  areas  of 
Chinese  soil  by  Great  Britain,  and  one  each  by 
Russia  and  Germany.  Still,  the  repressed  anger 
made  no  sign.  But  the  hypothecation  of  a native 
tax  to  secure  the  payment  of  the  indemnity 
promised  to  Japan,  or,  as  the  Chinese  regard 
it,  the  diversion  of  their  money  to  the  payment 
of  Japan  for  an  unprovoked  and  inexcusable 
attack  upon  their  country — this  apparently  sim- 
ple and  routine  business  act  furnished  the  friction 
which  generated  the  electricity  which  let  loose 
the  whirlwind.  Thus  the  Boxer  movement ! 
It  represents  the  wrath  and  hate  of  sixty  years’ 
growth.  It  is  the  more  violent  because  of  these 
long  years  of  repression.  And  it  receives  the 
hearty  sympathy  of  many  millions  of  Chinese 
who  have  taken  no  active  part  in  it.  For,  beyond 
a doubt,  it  represents  to  them  a patriotic  effort 
to  save  their  country  from  foreign  aggression 
and  eventual  dismemberment. 

The  Chinaman  is  punctilious  in  the  exaction 
and  discharge  of  all  the  obligations  of  courtesy 
and  polite  breeding.  He  may  borrow  the  neces- 
sary hat  and  coat,  or  pawn  his  undergarment  in 
order  to  procure  them,  but  he  will  not  fail  to 
pay  or  receive  all  visits  of  ceremony  at  the 


58  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


proper  time  and  in  the  conventional  apparel. 
This  is  true,  not  merely  of  the  educated  class,  but 
of  the  entire  mass  of  the  nation,  from  the  prime 
minister  to  the  scavenger  and  water-carrier.  The 
disregard  or  indifferent  observance  of  the  ordi- 
nary forms  of  courtesy,  so  commonly  seen 
among  people  of  Western  nations,  has  done 
much  to  produce  the  grossly  erroneous  opinions 
regarding  those  people  which  are  almost  univer- 
sal in  China.  The  brusque  manner,  hasty 
speech,  and  self-assertion  of  the  American  or 
European  are  all  so  many  offensive  barbarisms 
to  the  Chinese.  And  as  these  peculiarities  are 
first  noticed,  they  determine  the  judgment  and 
destroy  any  wish  to  prosecute  the  acquaintance. 

The  Chinese  are  keenly  exacting  in  all  ques- 
tions of  individual  right.  They  are  irascible  and 
quarrelsome  in  trivial  matters.  Yet  they  are,  in 
the  main,  kindly  and  charitable  in  their  relations 
with  each  other.  The  extent  to  which  mutual 
assistance  is  rendered  among  the  very  poor  is 
remarkable.  They  are,  at  least,  not  behind  their 
fellows  in  other  lands  in  this  regard.  They  are 
generous  and  public-spirited,  giving  liberally  to 
works  of  all  sorts  for  the  common  good.  Some 
of  the  finest  stone  arched  bridges  in  the  world 
are  to  be  found  in  China,  and  a large  number 
of  them  have  been  constructed  by  private  indi- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  59 


viduals  for  the  common  use.  It  is  no  uncommon 
thing  to  see,  erected  at  the  approach  of  one  of 
these  works  of  public  utility,  a marble  slab  recit- 
ing the  fact  of  its  construction  by  some  private 
subject  of  the  empire  for  the  service  of  all  men. 
Nearly  the  whole  of  the  innumerable  temples, 
pagodas,  and  shrines  found  throughout  China 
and  dedicated  to  the  service  of  one  of  the  three 
religions,  as  well  as  all  of  the  immense  number 
of  mosques  scattered  over  the  northern  and 
western  parts  of  the  empire,  are  erected  by 
private  subscription.  And  the  Chinese  support 
their  false  religions  with  a liberality  which  might, 
perhaps,  put  to  shame  the  professed  believers  in 
a truer  faith. 

The  weaker  side  of  the  Chinaman  is  that  of 
his  good-nature.  He  will  resent  and  refuse  a 
claim  or  a demand,  but  gracefully  yield  in  the 
same  matter  when  shaped  as  a request  or  a favor. 
He  is  easily  accessible  at  all  points,  excepting 
those  which  appear  to  touch  his  rights  or  his 
dignity.  These  he  will  often  yield  upon  an 
appeal,  but  never  in  response  to  a demand.  Few 
men  enjoy  more  than  he  that  feeling  of  com- 
placency which  arises  from  conferring  a favor 
upon  others  and  thus  putting  them  under  an 
obligation.  He  is  susceptible  to  flattery,  and 
easily  led,  but  as  difficult  to  drive  as  his  own 


6o  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


mules.  The  success  of  any  negotiation  with  him 
depends  quite  as  much  upon  the  manner  and 
tact  with  which  it  is  conducted  as  upon  the 
character  of  the  issue  involved.  He  will  yield, 
to  his  own  hurt,  if  rightly  approached;  he  will 
resist,  to  his  own  disadvantage,  if  indiscreetly 
urged.  He  is  fond  of  finesse  and  delicate  but 
indirect  manipulation,  and  a master  in  these 
arts.  He  seldom  takes  the  straight,  open  road 
to  an  end,  but  circuitous  paths  are  his  delight. 
The  use  of  brute  force  is  abominable  in  his  eyes. 
He  is  charged  with  being  an  adept  in  all  forms 
of  deceit  and  falsehood.  He  is  not  untrained  in 
these  directions.  But  he  would  hardly  win  a 
prize,  in  a contest  of  tricksters,  if  representatives 
of  the  Latin,  Spanish,  Slavonic,  Turkish,  or 
Japanese  races  took  the  field  against  him. 

With  all  the  oddities,  contradictions,  and  in- 
soluble conundrums  which  the  Chinaman  pre- 
sents to  the  student  of  human  nature,  he  is  a 
man  among  men,  a man  with  a future,  and  must 
be  counted  and  reckoned  with  as  such.  Whatever 
of  truth  there  may  be  in  Earl  Salisbury’s  remarks 
concerning  decadent  races,  they  have  no  possible 
application  to  the  people  of  the  Chinese  Empire. 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  CHINESE  LITERATI. 

In  any  estimate  of  the  forces  which  lead  and 
control  public  opinion  in  China,  everywhere, 
from  the  knot  of  peasants  in  the  hamlet  to  the 
highest  officers  of  state  and  the  Emperor  himself, 
the  literati,  or  educated  class,  must  be  given  a 
prominent  position.  They  form  an  immense 
body,  increased  each  year  by  the  government 
examinations.  They  are  at  the  head  of  the 
social  order.  Every  civil  officer  in  the  empire 
must  be  chosen  from  their  number.  They  con- 
stitute the  basis  of  an  elaborate  system  of  civil 
service,  well  equipped  with  checks  and  balances 
which,  if  corrected  and  brought  into  touch  with 
modern  life  and  thought,  would  easily  command 
the  admiration  of  the  world. 

With  the  exception  of  a few  and  unimportant 
proscribed  classes,  the  pathway  to  membership 
in  this  order  is  open  to  all  Chinese,  upon  equal 


62  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


terms.  Money  or  rank,  theoretically  at  least, 
removes  no  bars,  makes  smooth  no  part  of  the 
road.  The  poorest  peasant,  no  less  than  the 
prince  or  millionaire,  has  an  attainable  ambition 
placed  before  his  son,  which,  if  he  will,  he  may 
follow  until  he  becomes  prime  minister  of  the 
empire,  “ the  right  hand  and  the  strong  heart” 
of  the  Emperor.  And  the  best  proof  that  this  is 
not  mere  theory  is  found  in  the  fact  that  during 
many  centuries  the  heads  of  the  government, 
always  excepting  the  Emperor,  have  commonly 
been  the  sons  of  poor,  unknown  parents. 

Thus  is  constituted,  as  the  brains  and  intellect 
of  the  Chinese  nation,  an  immense  and  venerable 
literary  aristocracy,  organized  and  established 
fourteen  hundred  years  ago,  and  continuous  in 
its  organization  and  control,  down  to  the  present 
time.  It  is  more  democratic  than  any  class  or 
social  order  in  any  other  part  of  the  world.  It 
is  a democratic  literary  aristocracy.  This  may 
appear  a contradiction  in  terms,  but  all  China 
is  full  of  such  and  even  stranger  contradictions. 
Members  of  this  order  are  found,  not  only  in 
the  great  literary  and  political  centres  of  popula- 
tion, but  in  every  nook  and  cranny  of  the  empire. 
That  hamlet  or  village  is  esteemed  of  poor 
repute  which  fails  to  number  one  or  more  of 
the  literati  among  its  inhabitants.  And  every- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  63 


where  they  are  the  learned  men,  and  are  reckoned 
as  the  final  authority  upon  all  matters,  whether 
of  science,  politics,  morals,  religion,  or  any  other 
branch  of  thought  or  action.  They  originate, 
shape,  and  control  public  opinion.  It  would  be 
difficult  to  overstate  the  respect  in  which  they 
are  held  and  the  deference  shown  them  every- 
where and  by  all  classes.  They  are  the  unofficial 
judges,  the  arbitrators  in  village  or  family  differ- 
ences, the  disseminators  of  public  news  and 
commentators  upon  it,  the  authority  in  matters 
of  etiquette  and  propriety,  the  leaders  in  feasts 
and  amusements,  the  censors  of  morals,  the 
writers  and  readers  of  letters  for  the  illiterate, 
the  teachers  of  the  village  schools.  They  draw 
contracts,  business  agreements  of  all  sorts,  and 
petitions  to  the  authorities.  They  are  the  lead- 
ers of  thought  and  action,  the  brains  of  the 
Chinese  nation.  Narrow-minded,  ignorant  by 
all  the  standards  by  which  we  gauge  men, 
heavily  tainted  with  innumerable  forms  of  gross 
and  absurd  superstitions,  with  which  all  other 
Chinese  are  saturated,  they  constitute  the  intel- 
lectual force  of  the  empire,  and  with  them  we 
must  reckon  when  we  seek  to  measure  or  to 
move  that  nation. 

The  course  of  study  which  must  be  pursued 
successfully  to  gain  admittance  to  this  venerable 


64  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


order  was  determined  fourteen  hundred  years 
ago,  and  has  never  been  modified  or  enlarged 
since.  It  takes  no  heed  of  the  growth  of  human 
intellect.  It  ignores  as  practically  impossible 
any  widening  in  the  range  of  human  knowledge 
or  development  in  science.  Indeed,  it  goes  be- 
yond this,  and  maintains  that  the  culmination 
of  all  wisdom  was  reached  twenty-five  centuries 
ago.  For  the  subjects  of  study  are  substantially 
confined  to  the  writings  of  the  Chinese  sage 
Confucius,  who  lived  some  five  hundred  years 
before  the  Christian  centuries  began.  A sound 
course  of  ethics,  much  superstition,  odds  and 
ends  of  Chinese  history  and  tradition,  a trifle  of 
local  geography,  versification,  great  elegance 
in  literary  style  and  composition,  and  a marvel- 
lous development  of  the  memory,  these  and  these 
only  are  secured  as  the  result  of  the  Chinese 
educational  system. 

Doubtless  such  a system  was  immeasurably 
better  than  any  to  be  found  elsewhere  in  the 
world  at  the  time  of  its  establishment  and  for 
many  centuries  thereafter.  But  when  brought 
into  contact  and  contrast  with  the  knowledge 
of  modern  days,  it  becomes  fairly  grotesque  in 
its  unfitness  for  the  purposes  which  it  still  is 
forced  to  serve.  To  this  system  of  education 
is  due  many,  if  not  all,  of  the  startling  anomalies 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  65 


constantly  met  with  in  the  broadest-minded, 
most  intelligent  Chinese.  To  it  is  due  the  fact 
that  one  meets  with  Chinese  statesmen  equal  in 
mental  acuteness  and  wisdom  in  certain  direc- 
tions to  any  found  in  America  or  Europe,  yet 
who  believe  the  earth  to  be  square,  maintain  that 
eclipses  are  caused  by  a huge  dog  seeking  to 
devour  the  sun  or  moon,  are  ignorant  of  the 
first  rudiments  of  science,  and  who  are  confident 
that  a fox  can  change  itself,  at  will,  into  the  form 
of  a man.  A belief  in  lucky  days,  geomantic 
influences,  the  power  of  a bit  of  stone  to  divert 
the  course  of  evil  spirits,  and  the  value  of  bogus 
paper  money  burned  for  the  dead,  is  strangely 
commingled  with  close,  logical  reasoning  pow- 
ers, and  far-sighted,  broad-minded  statesman- 
ship. Are  they  wise  and  able  because  of  their 
education,  or  in  spite  of  it?  If  in  spite  of  it,  then 
one  must  confess  that  among  the  Chinese  of  the 
present  day  are  to  be  found  men  who,  if  thor- 
oughly educated  along  the  lines  of  modern 
thought  and  progress,  would  lead  the  world  in 
the  coming  years.  If  because  of  it,  then  what 
might  they  not  accomplish  if  equipped  with 
modern  knowledge,  in  addition  to  their  antique 
and  narrow  range  of  learning! 

It  is  impossible  to  give,  with  any  degree  of 
accuracy,  an  estimate  of  the  number  of  living 


66  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


members  of  this  literary  order.  It  can,  however, 
safely  be  said  that  they  aggregate  several  mill- 
ions. In  every  hamlet  throughout  the  empire 
is  found  the  school  for  boys,  and  every  day  from 
daylight  to  dark  may  be  heard  the  deafening 
clamor  of  the  students,  as  they  shout  out  the 
wisdom  of  Confucius  at  the  top  of  their  lungs. 
This  is  the  mode  of  study  required,  and  a quiet 
pupil  receives  an  early  application  of  the  bamboo 
rod.  The  aim  and  end  of  all  study,  the  line  of 
ambition  of  every  scholar  in  all  of  these  innumer- 
able schools,  is  to  pass  the  government  examina- 
tions, become  a gentleman,  a member  of  the 
honored  and  privileged  class,  and  obtain  official 
position.  And  thus  is  outlined  the  one  brilliant 
career  open  to  all  and  possible  to  every  one. 

Examinations  are  held,  under  governmental 
supervision,  annually  in  all  the  minor  cities 
throughout  China,  and  triennially  in  each  of  the 
provincial  capitals  and  in  Peking.  There  are 
three  different  degrees  granted.  The  first  and 
lowest  is  entitled  “ Hsiu  Tsai/’  or  “ Budding 
Talent,”  because  he  who  obtains  it  is  supposed 
to  give  great  promise  of  future  success.  The 
second  is  called  “ Chu  Jen,”  or  “ Promoted 
Man,”  since  he  has  gained  the  second  step  in 
a brilliant  career.  And  the  third  and  highest 
degree  is  called  “ Chin  Shih,”  or  “ Enrolled 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  67 


Scholar,”  because  he  has  successfully  passed  all 
of  the  barriers,  and  his  name  has  been  enrolled 
at  Peking  in  the  final  list  of  the  foremost  schol- 
ars of  the  time.  These  degrees  must  be  taken  in 
sequence,  and  no  student  is  admitted  to  compete 
for  a higher  degree  who  has  failed  to  pass  the 
lower.  The  first  and  second  degrees  are  granted 
in  the  provinces.  The  third  must  be  fought  for 
and  won  in  Peking.  Three  examinations  are 
held  for  the  lowest  degree.  Those  who  pass  the 
first,  even  if  unsuccessful  in  the  other  two,  have 
their  names  posted  upon  the  walls  of  the  magis- 
trate’s office,  and  this  honor  is  called  “ Hsien 
Ming,”  or  “ having  a name  in  the  district.”  In 
a similar  way,  those  who  succeed  in  the  second 
examination,  even  if  they  fail  in  the  third,  -have 
their  names  posted  in  the  mayor’s  office,  and  are 
entitled  “ Fu  Ming,”  or  “ having  a name  in  the 
city.”  Unofficial  village  examinations  are  also 
sometimes  held  by  the  local  authorities,  assisted 
by  resident  graduates,  at  which  small  prizes  are 
awarded  to  the  best  scholars.  Thus  a sort  of 
brevet  rank  is  given  to  those  who  fail  to  obtain 
the  lowest  official  degree,  and  even  the  smallest 
children  are  encouraged  and  stimulated  to  suc- 
cessful effort. 

It  is  not  easy  to  overestimate  the  heart,  the 
eagerness  manifested  in  this  most  defective 


68  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


system  of  education,  by  the  entire  mass  of  the 
population  of  China.  With  them  it  is  the  people’s 
path  to  influence,  power,  and  fame.  No  greater 
hardships  have  been  endured  in  any  land  than 
are  gladly  submitted  to  by  Chinese  families,  in 
order  that  one  or  more  of  their  number  may 
enter  the  honored  class.  There  is  no  age  limit 
beyond  which  candidates  are  barred  from  the 
lists,  and  in  any  country  less  populous  than 
China  the  number  of  men  who  spend  their  entire 
lives  in  the  vain  effort  to  win  a coveted  degree 
would  be  incredible.  So  common  is  this  persist- 
ency that,  by  a general  order,  the  Emperor  con- 
fers the  highest  degree  upon  all  candidates  of 
good  moral  character  who  have  won  each  degree 
but  the  last,  and  have  tried  unsuccessfully  for 
that,  at  each  triennial  examination,  until  they 
reach  the  age  of  ninety ! The  long  journey  to 
Peking  from  the  remote  provinces,  involving 
months  of  time  and  hundreds  of  miles  in  a coun- 
try devoid  of  railways,  and  over  precipitous 
mountain  roads,  proves  too  much  for  some,  who 
die  en  route.  And  others  die  of  exhaustion  and 
old  age,  in  the  course  of  the  examination  at  the 
capital. 

As  might  be  expected,  great  is  the  rejoicing 
when  a successful  candidate  returns  to  his  home. 
Immense  red  placards  are  posted  announcing 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  69 


the  fact  of  his  success,  and  calling  upon  all  to 
rejoice.  Feasts  are  given,  bands  of  music  en- 
gaged, and  triumphal  processions  parade  the 
streets.  The  victorious  student  has  a genuine 
triumph  and  is  flattered  and  praised  as  an  honor 
to  his  parents,  to  the  teacher  and  school  where 
he  studied,  and  to  the  village  or  city  of  his  birth. 

It  is  impossible  to  determine  to  what  extent 
favoritism,  bribery,  or  other  forms  of  corruption, 
prevail  in  the  conduct  of  these  examinations. 
If  they  were  invariably  honest  and  immaculate, 
then  China  would  stand  unique  and  pre-eminent, 
among  all  the  nations  of  the  world,  in  all  time. 
At  rare  intervals,  memorials  to  the  throne  have 
appeared,  accusing  officials  of  wrongdoing,  but 
they  have  far  more  commonly  complained  of  the 
sale  of  offices  to  non-graduates  than  of  any  ir- 
regularities in  the  examinations.  Some  sweep- 
ing and  flippant  statements  upon  this  point  have 
been  made  by  foreign  writers,  but  such  state- 
ments, however  epigrammatic  and  pungent  they 
may  appear,  are  rarely  trustworthy.  It  is  well 
to  bear  in  mind  that  things  are  seldom  either  so 
black  or  so  white  as  they  are  painted.  The 
author  has  discussed  the  subject  of  these  exam- 
inations with  probably  some  hundreds  of  candi- 
dates, successful  and  unsuccessful,  and  the  only 
charge  he  has  heard  was  that,  while  Chinese  and 


7o  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


Manchus  were  nominally  placed  upon  the  same 
footing,  it  appeared  to  be  easier  for  the  latter 
to  secure  a degree  than  the  former. 

The  question  of  the  purity  or  corruption  of 
the  Chinese  literary  examinations  is,  however, 
not  pertinent  to  the  object  of  this  chapter,  or 
this  volume.  Whatever  may  be  the  defects  or 
abuses  in  either  the  theory  or  practical  enforce- 
ment of  the  system,  it  has  been  in  operation  for 
many  centuries,  has  provided  the  nation  with 
an  immense  reserve  force  of  educated  men,  from 
whom  all  civil  officers  have  been  chosen,  and 
who  have  controlled  public  affairs  and  private 
opinion  as  well.  In  the  judgment  of  a distin- 
guished authority,  it  has  secured  to  the  people 
a more  equitable  and  vigorous  body  of  magis- 
trates than  they  could  get  in  any  other  way,  and 
has  powerfully  contributed  to  uphold  the  exist- 
ing institutions  of  the  empire.  In  its  freedom 
from  all  class  restrictions,  it  has  endeared  itself 
to  the  people  as  a genuinely  democratic  road  to 
honor.  Their  own  fathers,  brothers,  and  sons 
have  profited  by  it,  and  to  them  it  represents 
a practical  self-government,  the  people  ruling 
over  themselves. 

The  Chinese  recognize  four  grades  in  the 
social  scale.  These  are  called  the  “ shih,  nung, 
kung,  shang;”  or,  translated,  scholars,  farmers, 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  71 


laborers,  and  merchants.  The  “ shih,”  educated 
men  or  literati,  rank  at  the  top,  because  brains 
are  better  than  the  body.  The  “ nung,”  embrac- 
ing all  who  till  the  soil,  rank  second,  because 
they  are  valuable  to  the  community  as  producers. 
The  “ kung,”  in  which  class  are  included  all 
skilled  and  unskilled  laborers,  is  placed  third  in 
the  list,  because  the  members  of  this  class,  by 
their  hands  and  brains,  transform  the  less  useful 
into  that  which  is  of  greater  value  and  service. 
The  “ shang,”  which  covers  all  men  engaged  in 
the  immense  variety  of  commercial  operations, 
is  placed  at  the  bottom  of  the  social  scale,  be- 
cause men  thus  employed  add  nothing  to  the 
common  wealth.  They  neither  produce  nor 
transform,  but  trade  upon  the  labor  and  the 
needs  of  others.  They  are  simply  the  medium 
of  interchange. 

The  Chinese  have  a common  saying,  which 
may  be  translated  “ once  an  official  always  an 
official.”  Its  meaning  is  broader  than  those 
words  imply,  for  it  covers  all  who  have  passed 
the  government  examinations,  all  the  literati, 
whether  actual  office-holders  or  not,  and  forbids 
them  following  any  of  the  lower  avocations  of 
life.  They  are  gentlemen,  and,  as  such,  at  the 
top  of  the  social  ladder.  They  may  not  descend 
to  any  of  the  lower  rounds  in  the  search  for  a 


7 2 REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


livelihood,  since  pride  of  class  and  personal  am- 
bition alike  forbid  such  degradation.  Chinese 
ladies  deform  their  hands  with  the  most  absurdly 
long  finger-nails  as  an  indication  that  those 
hands  are  never  soiled  by  any  form  of  domestic 
labor.  And  these  Chinese  gentlemen  also  culti- 
vate one  or  more  finger-nails  of  extravagant 
length,  as  a sign  that  their  hands  can  only  be 
employed  in  some  direct  or  indirect  form  of 
literary  work  where  the  long  nail  may  be  util- 
ized in  turning  leaves,  cutting  paper,  and  like 
elegant  occupations.  As  Buddhism  has  its 
“ eight  precious  objects”  or  utensils  employed  in 
its  form  of  worship,  and  hence  held  sacred,  so 
the  literati  have  their  eight  precious  objects 
or  utensils,  consisting  of  ink,  ink-stone,  brush, 
paper,  water-jar,  paper-weight,  books,  and 
scrolls.  And  the  only  forms  of  labor  open  to 
these  gentlemen  are  such  as  require  the  use  of 
these  implements. 

Only  a small  proportion  of  those  who  pass 
the  examinations,  and  hence  are  eligible  to  civil 
office,  are  able  to  secure  positions.  The  supply 
far  exceeds  the  demand.  Many  spend  their  lives 
in  a vain  struggle  for  appointment.  The  writer 
once  exchanged  calls  with  a Chinese  of  this 
class,  in  a provincial  capital,  who  had  spent 
twenty-one  years  in  the  vain  effort  to  attract  the 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  73 


attention  of  those  who  had  the  appointing  power 
to  his  fitness  for  office.  He  called,  upon  the  first 
and  fifteenth  of  each  month,  at  the  door  of  the 
viceroy’s  office  and  left  his  card.  Once  or  twice 
each  year,  upon  special  holidays  or  other  occa- 
sions of  public  reception,  he  would  be  admitted 
and  have  merely  a moment  in  which  to  make 
his  bow  before  the  great  man  and  pass  on. 
During  all  of  the  remaining  weary  days  and 
months  in  each  year  he  had  no  occupation  what- 
ever. He  spent  the  time  in  bitter  criticism  of 
those  in  power  and  of  fellow-students  who  had 
been  more  fortunate  than  himself,  and  in  alter- 
nate fits  of  despondency  and  hope.  He  knew 
every  vacancy  in  the  long  list  of  provincial 
offices,  the  peculiarities  and  emoluments  of  each 
post,  chewed  with  delight  every  bit  of  official 
scandal,  and  was  full  to  the  brim  with  accounts 
of  the  wrongdoing  of  those  in  office.  He  was 
wretchedly  poor,  occupied  one  room  opening 
from  the  stable  yard  of  a miserable  inn,  did  his 
own  washing  at  night  to  save  appearances,  and 
lived  upon  a trifle  less  than  two  dollars  each 
month.  This  sum  was  furnished  him  by  his 
father  and  brother,  themselves  in  the  depths  of 
poverty,  but  who  stinted  themselves  and  went 
hungry  and  half  clothed  to  help  him  in  whom 
all  the  pride  and  ambition  and  hope  of  the  family 


74  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


were  centred.  And  yet  the  only  official  position 
which  he  could  hope  or  expect  to  obtain  was 
insignificant  and  would  not  return  more  than 
two  hundred  dollars  each  year. 

This  literary  graduate  is  a specimen  of  a very 
large  contingent  to  be  found  in  Peking,  each 
provincial  capital,  and  every  political  centre. 
And  to  this  body  of  unemployed  and  untested 
official  talent  is  to  be  added  the  very  consider- 
able number  of  men  who,  having  once  obtained 
office,  have,  through  misconduct,  inefficiency, 
loss  of  a father,  which  sends  all  officials  into 
retirement  for  a nominal  three  years,  or  loss  of 
political  patrons,  caused  them  to  be  dismissed 
the  public  service.  Many  of  them  are  miserably 
poor,  and  many  of  them  are,  doubtless,  unfit  to 
occupy  any  position  of  public  trust.  All  of  them 
are  debarred  from  the  broad  range  of  useful  and 
productive  labor  by  the  senseless  pride  of  class 
already  mentioned.  Unless  forced  by  actual 
want,  it  is  seldom  indeed  that  a man  is  found 
among  them  brave  enough  to  abandon  his  hope- 
less pursuit  for  office  and  to  seek  his  livelihood 
in  some  less  pretentious  calling. 

The  vast  majority  of  them  wait  and  wait  on, 
forming  a body  of  dissatisfied  and  hence  danger- 
ous unemployed,  not,  as  in  Western  lands,  in 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  75 


the  lower  orders  of  society,  but  among  those 
who  form  and  control  public  opinion,  among 
the  leaders  of  men.  They  are  sharp,  angry,  and 
selfish  in  their  criticisms  of  those  in  power, 
eagerly  watching  for  any  misstep  or  indiscreet 
act,  by  means  of  which  the  happy  occupant  of 
place  may  be  pulled  down,  and  some  one  of  them 
step  into  his  shoes.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  every 
office-holder  in  the  Chinese  Empire,  from  the 
cabinet  minister  to  the  obscure  police  magis- 
trate, is  watched  by  a hundred  hungry  eyes  and 
clutched  at  by  a hundred  eager  hands,  all  seek- 
ing, by  fair  means  or  foul,  to  compass  his  dis- 
grace and  their  preferment.  A large  proportion 
of  the  lack  of  vigor  and  energy,  of  decided 
action,  of  timidity,  strange  to  us,  on  the  part  of 
Chinese  officials,  is  due  to  their  bitter  knowledge 
of  this  hostile  environment,  and  of  their  danger 
from  it. 

Under  the  Chinese  civil  service  laws  no  person 
is  permitted  to  hold  office  in  the  province  in 
which  he  was  born.  Nor  are  two  persons  so 
nearly  related  as  cousins  allowed  to  receive 
official  appointments  in  the  same  province. 
Hence,  if  the  seeker  after  place  wishes  to  be  at  the 
scene  of  his  future  imaginary  triumphs,  and  to 
press  his  claims  in  person,  as  he  generally  must, 


7 6 REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


upon  those  who  can  promote  his  wishes,  all  this 
weary  waiting  must  be  endured  at  a distance 
from  home  and  among  uninterested  strangers. 

A small  proportion  of  those  who  are  unable 
to  secure  appointment  to  any  place  or  territory 
are  given  acting  or  brevet  rank.  Such  are 
assigned  to  occasional  duty  on  special  commis- 
sions, or  employed  on  secret  service  by  the 
higher  authorities,  until  they  have  proved  their 
fitness,  and  until  such  time  as  a local  vacancy  can 
be  found  or  made  for  them.  In  such  cases  a 
Chinese  word  commonly  translated  “Expectant” 
is  prefixed  to  the  nominal  title  granted.  A larger 
number  of  graduates,  having  waited  for  appoint- 
ment until  patience  and  purse  are  alike  ex- 
hausted, sink  into  positions  directly  subordinate 
to  official  life.  They  become  clerks,  copyists, 
private  secretaries,  men  of  all  work,  and  general 
hangers-on,  watching  for  crumbs,  and  some  of 
them  ready  for  any  work,  however  dirty  or  dis- 
honest. Another  large  class  fill  a position  alike 
important  and  lucrative  under  the  peculiar  judi- 
cial system  of  China,  though  considered  but 
semi-respectable,  and  for  this  position  a word 
of  explanation  is  necessary. 

There  has  never  been  a legislative  department 
in  the  Chinese  Government.  The  laws  of  the 
empire  consist  wholly  of  the  decrees  of  the 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  77 


Emperor  as  they  have  been  issued  and  preserved 
during  many  centuries,  and  supplemented,  in 
unimportant  or  local  matters,  by  the  orders  and 
acts  of  viceroys.  The  legal  profession  is  also 
unknown  in  practice,  and,  theoretically,  held 
in  profound  contempt.  One  learned  viceroy 
remarked  to  the  writer  that  he  was  abundantly 
able  to  prove  that  wrong  was  right,  and  no 
lawyer  was  necessary  to  accomplish  that  feat 
for  him.  And  rumor  asserts  that  some  Chi- 
nese officials  are  so  expert  in  the  art  of  reliev- 
ing litigants  of  their  cash,  as  to  leave  no  room 
for  the  services  of  lawyers  in  that  capacity. 
All  judicial  action  is  settled  by  precedent.  And, 
since  the  records  are  scrupulously  kept,  and  run 
back  into  the  remote  past,  every  office  is  encum- 
bered with  a body  of  precedents  voluminous 
almost  beyond  belief.  This  fact  explains  the 
occupation  of  the  large  class  of  graduates  men- 
tioned. They  are  called  “ searchers,”  and  their 
duty  is  to  examine  the  records  for  precedents 
fitting  any  given  case  requiring  judicial  action. 
They  are  employed  indifferently  by  the  magis- 
trate, by  litigants,  and  by  relatives  of  persons 
accused  of  crime.  In  such  a mass  of  records,  it 
is  seldom  difficult  to  find  a precedent  in  any 
given  case  which,  by  judicious  manipulation  and 
restatement,  will  suit  the  wishes,  always  rein- 


78  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


forced  by  the  purse,  of  him  who  employs  the 
searcher.  And  it  is  probable  that  this  class  of 
semi-official  hangers-on  at  Chinese  courts  work 
more  perversions  of  justice  and  cruel  wrongs 
than  any  other  men  in  the  empire.  They  are 
always  well-to-do,  and  never  respected  by  officials 
or  people. 

There  still  remains  a large  number,  perhaps 
a majority  of  the  literary  graduates,  who  are 
unable  to  secure  any  position  in  or  even  remotely 
connected  with  official  life.  Some  of  these 
return  to  their  homes  and  become  teachers  in 
the  village  or  city  schools,  training  up  a new 
generation  in  the  same  antique  and  inadequate 
education  which  has  proved  a failure  with  them. 
Others  enter  the  medical  profession,  no  special 
study,  examinations,  or  certificates  of  compe- 
tency being  required  in  China.  These  procure 
a few  remedies  or  prescriptions,  look  wise,  com- 
monly wear  large  spectacles,  talk  learnedly  about 
the  twenty  or  more  distinct  pulses  which  Chinese 
doctors  have  discovered  in  the  human  body, 
administer  some  remedies  which  are  simple  yet 
efficacious,  and  many  others  which  ought  to  be 
valuable,  if  their  use  is  at  all  proportionate  to 
their  nastiness.  A favorite  tonic  with  these 
gentlemen  is  bears’  bones  or  tigers’  claws  pow- 
dered, and  administered  in  wine.  These  medi- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  79 


cines  are  supposed  to  have  a double  effect  and 
increase  the  courage,  besides  giving  strength  to 
the  body.  Chinese  doctors  are  liable  under  the 
law  for  malpractice,  but  such  cases  are  practically 
never  heard  of  in  the  courts. 

Others,  again,  become  professional  story- 
tellers. Having  procured  a small  wooden  table, 
a dozen  rough  wooden  seats  without  backs  or 
cushions,  an  awning  of  blue  cotton,  a teapot  and 
cup,  and  having  stored  his  memory  with  a large 
assortment  of  tales  suited  to  the  capacity  and 
taste  of  his  hearers,  the  story-teller  is  ready  for 
business.  Stretching  his  tent  a,nd  placing  his 
benches  by  the  side  of  some  busy  street,  he 
awaits  his  audience.  He  gives  them  prose  and 
poetry,  history,  tradition,  myth,  fairy  tale,  and 
romance.  After  each  instalment,  which  lasts 
but  a few  moments,  a small  basket  is  passed  for 
contributions,  and  no  Chinaman  who  has  seated 
himself  feels  at  liberty  to  refuse.  Doubtless 
much  information  of  real  value  is  imparted  to 
the  common  people  in  this  way.  And  to  much 
that  is  false  and  injurious  a wider  circulation 
is  given. 

Still  others  again  become  “ feng  shui  Hsien 
Sheng” — that  is  to  say,  professors  of  geomancy, 
or  fortune-tellers.  In  this  capacity  they  interfere 
with,  and  to  a serious  extent  control,  every  phase 


8o  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


of  public  and  private  life  in  China.  The  prince 
and  the  pauper  alike  must  consult  them.  No 
marriage  contract  can  be  made  and  no  grave 
opened  without  their  approval.  They  fix  the 
date  when  an  emperor  may  ascend  the  throne 
and  a peanut  vendor  open  his  petty  stall.  The 
name  an  infant  may  bear,  the  day  when  his  head 
shall  be  shaved  for  the  queue  of  youth  and  man- 
hood, the  day  when  he  may  enter  school,  or 
what  occupation  he  shall  follow,  and  when  he 
shall  enter  upon  it,  when  and  whom  he  shall 
marry,  a thousand  and  one  other  details  in  his 
life,  the  number  of  days  after  death  when  he 
may  be  buried,  the  location,  line  of  direction, 
and  general  environment  of  his  grave,  even  in- 
cluding the  shrubs  and  bushes  which  may  grow 
near  it, — all  these  and  innumerable  other  points 
in  each  human  life  must  be  fixed  and  settled  by 
the  divination  of  the  fortune-teller.  He  is  to  be 
found  everywhere,  and  is  generally  busy.  His 
fees  vary  with  the  financial  ability  of  his  custom- 
ers, and  often  some  vital  question  remains  vexed 
and  difficult  of  solution  until  every  possible  cash 
has  been  extracted  from  the  pouch  of  the  anxious 
client.  No  other  force  is  comparable  with  the 
absurd  and  yet  iron  grip  in  which  superstition 
holds  the  entire  Chinese  people  of  all  classes  and 
grades  of  intelligence,  and  the  fortune-tellers 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  81 


are  its  spokesmen  and  prime  ministers.  With- 
out venturing  upon  an  estimate  of  the  enormous 
sums  wasted  in  such  absurd  nonsense,  it  is  safe 
to  assume  that,  in  a short  period  of  years,  they 
would  aid  very  largely  in  the  construction  of 
railway  lines,  and  other  modes  of  intercommuni- 
cation from  one  extreme  of  the  empire  to  the 
other. 

With  all  of  these  avocations  which  are  pos- 
sible to  the  literati  overcrowded,  there  still 
remains  a large  contingent  of  unemployed. 
Almost  invariably  poor,  they  live  upon  their 
friends,  and  upon  such  scraps  of  employment  as 
may  from  time  to  time  fall  in  their  way.  A 
larger  percentage  of  them  than  of  any  other  class 
in  the  Chinese  community  become  victims  of  the 
opium  habit.  Disappointed,  dissatisfied,  and 
idle,  they  are  to  a greater  or  less  degree  danger- 
ous. The  special  privileges  and  immunities 
granted  to  them  as  a class,  and  the  clannish 
spirit,  strong  i:i  the  entire  body,  renders  it  ex- 
tremely difficult  to  deal  with  even  the  most 
vicious  among  them.  They  cannot  be  punished 
or  made  accountable  for  any  violation  of  law 
until  deprived  of  their  literary  degree.  And  this 
can  only  be  done  by  vice-regal  authority. 
Through  their  influence  over  the  masses  they  are 
often  able  to  control  and  direct  official  action. 


82  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


But  the  authorities  find  the  endeavor  to  hold 
the  literati  in  check  a most  perplexing  if  not 
hopeless  task. 

Some  two  hundred  and  seventy-five  years 
after  the  death  of  Confucius,  a Chinese  emperor 
showed  his  reverence  and  regard  for  the  sage 
by  offering  sacrifice  at  his  tomb.  Some  two 
hundred  years  later,  the  first  temple  was  erected 
to  his  memory  by  imperial  command.  Thus  the 
teachings  of  Confucius  became  a cult,  and  that 
which  was  intended  by  the  author  as  a code  of 
ethics  was  dignified  with  the  name  of  religion. 
It  may  interest  the  curious  to  know  that  the 
birth  of  Christ,  the  elevation  of  Confucianism 
to  a religious  belief,  and  the  introduction  of 
Buddhism  from  India  into  China  were  substan- 
tially contemporaneous  events. 

Thus  Confucianism  has  been  called  the  state 
religion.  Tablets  to  the  spirit  of  the  sage  are 
to  be  found  in  every  school-room.  Temples  in 
his  honor  have  been  erected  in  every  city  and 
centre  of  population.  Boys  in  the  schools  are 
required  to  render  obeisance  to  the  tablet  on 
entering  and  leaving  the  room,  and  all  officials 
are  required  on  stated  occasions  to  do  reverence 
to  his  memory.  Yet  this  so-called  worship  of 
Confucius  is  connected  with  and  really  subordi- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  83 


nate  to  certain  rites  and  ceremonies  which  ante- 
dated him  by  many  centuries,  and  of  which  he 
said,  while  neither  approving  nor  condemning 
them,  that,  if  observed  at  all,  it  should  be  in  an 
orderly,  decorous  manner.  No  claim  is  made 
by  even  his  most  devout  followers  that  Confucius 
was  a god,  or  anything  more  than  a wise  man,  a 
sage.  His  worship  makes  use  of  neither  priest 
nor  creed.  In  form  it  is  precisely  similar  to  the 
worship  of  ancestors,  and  this  fact  may  give 
a more  exact  idea  of  its  nature,  of  the  central 
thought  represented  in  it.  The  Chinese  have 
worshipped  their  ancestors  from  the  beginning 
of  history,  as  the  authors  of  their  being,  the 
fathers  of  their  bodies.  And  the  educated  classes 
do  precisely  similar  reverence  to  Confucius  as 
the  founder  of  knowledge,  the  father  of  litera- 
ture. If  the  word  “ worship”  carries  with  it  the 
idea  of  a creative  or  supreme  being,  then  neither 
the  ancestral  rites  nor  the  Confucian  can  be 
regarded  as  worship  or  as  idolatrous.  Many 
Chinese  officials  secretly  disbelieve  in  the  im- 
perial cult  and  the  added  worship  of  Confucius. 
A distinguished  member  of  their  body  once  said 
to  the  writer:  “We  do  not  really  believe  in 
Confucius.  But  the  ignorant  masses  hold  him 
in  the  most  profound  regard,  and  hence  we 


84  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


appear  to  worship  him,  and  we  quote  his  sayings, 
in  order  by  these  means  to  hold  the  populace 
in  subjection.” 

It  is  always  difficult,  and  frequently  impossi- 
ble, to  analyze  any  Oriental  motive  or  habit  of 
thought  down  to  its  ultimate  factors.  Whatever 
may  be  the  exact  character  of  the  so-called 
worship  of  Confucius,  the  literati  have  estab- 
lished themselves  as  the  champions  of  the  faith, 
the  conservators  of  the  system.  By  them  every- 
thing is  referred  back  to  him,  measured  by  the 
line  which  the  sage  is  supposed  to  have  drawn,  or 
weighed  in  his  balance.  To  them  he  is  the  final, 
universal  test  and  solvent.  And  this  is  but 
natural.  They  know  no  other  measure.  And 
they  are  the  depositaries  of  all  his  wisdom — and 
of  little  else.  Each  of  their  number  is  supposed 
to  have  memorized  every  known  word  that 
issued  from  his  lips.  Each  honors  the  sage,  and 
enhances  his  own  importance,  whenever  he 
quotes  him  as  authority.  Confucius  is  at  once 
his  only  capital  and  his  stock  in  trade.  Reduce 
Confucius  to  his  proper  level,  as  a wise  man 
twenty-five  centuries  ago,  but  antiquated  and 
valueless  when  compared  with  the  needs  and  the 
leaders  of  modern  days — do  this,  and  the  entire 
Chinese  literary  aristocracy  is  made  bankrupt. 

Small  wonder,  then,  that  the  literati  of  China 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  85 


have  constituted  themselves  the  sturdy  and 
stubborn  champions  of  whatever  is  represented 
by  the  word  Confucianism ! Whatever  ideas  of 
religion  they  may  possess — and  many  of  them 
are  rank  atheists  as  regards  any  god,  true  or 
false — pride,  self-interest,  the  natural  instinct  of 
self-preservation,  all  combine  to  keep  them  per- 
sonally loyal  to  their  ancient  leader,  and  quick 
to  oppose  any  reduction  of  his  influence  or  pres- 
tige. If  anything  more  is  needed  to  explain 
their  intense  and  bigoted  loyalty  to  the  so-called 
religion  of  the  sage,  it  may  be  found  in  the  fact, 
that  the  ancient  rites  and  ceremonies  already 
referred  to  as  antedating  and  superior  to  Con- 
fucianism, yet  combined  with  it,  constitute  the 
only  indigenous  form  of  religious  belief  that 
China  has  known.  Buddhism  was  imported 
bodily  from  India.  And  although  the  foun- 
der of  Taoism  was  a Chinese,  he  pursued  his 
studies  and  developed  his  fantastic  theories  in 
India. 

Good  as  the  Chinese  educational  system  may 
have  been  in  its  day,  and  in  contrast  with  the 
crass  ignorance  then  existing,  it  has  long  out- 
lived its  usefulness  in  its  present  form,  and 
become  a hindrance  and  a menace  to  the  empire. 
Revised,  reformed  upon  the  basis  of  modern 
ideas,  and  continued  as  the  framework  of  civil 


86  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


service,  it  would  be  worthy  of  imitation  by  the 
most  intelligent  of  modern  governments. 

The  thoughtful  reader  must  readily  see  that 
this  body  of  educated  men  constitutes  the  largest 
single  force,  operating  for  good  or  evil,  within 
the  limits  of  the  Chinese  Empire,  and  dominat- 
ing alike  the  throne  and  the  populace.  Nor  can 
he  fail  to  realize  that  this  entire  force  is,  and 
must  be  from  the  very  conditions  of  its  existence, 
arrayed  in  deadly  hostility  to  progress,  or  to  any 
change  in  the  existing  regime.  This  is  neither 
unnatural  nor  surprising.  Selfishness  and  big- 
otry are  cosmopolitan,  breeding  readily  in  every 
part  of  the  world.  And  office-holders  in  our 
own  country  to-day  who  have  obtained  unde- 
served preferment  by  wading  through  the  dirtier 
waters  of  politics  are  neither  enthusiastic  nor 
unanimous  in  the  advocacy  of  civil  service  re- 
form. 

The  Chinese  literati  are  to  be  pitied  rather 
than  censured.  For  nineteen  centuries  and  a 
half  these  incarnations  of  Confucian  wisdom 
have  moved  in  and  swayed  a world  of  their 
own — a stationary  world — with  neither  knowl- 
edge nor  imagination  of  another  just  without 
their  closed  doors,  a world  which  swung  forward 
through  vast  reaches  of  progress  each  year,  and 
which  was  coming  into  inevitable  contact  with 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  87 


their  own.  Less  than  sixty  years  ago  this  col- 
lision occurred.  For  purposes  alien  to  them 
and,  as  they  believe,  injurious  to  their  nation, 
their  doors  of  seclusion  were  thrown  down,  and 
they  have  been  brought  to  face  a new  world,  in 
which  their  knowledge  is  thrust  aside  as  anti- 
quated and  worthless,  their  pride  ridiculed  as 
having  no  reasonable  foundation,  their  influence 
antagonized,  and  their  very  means  of  livelihood 
threatened.  Many  of  them  are  honest,  conscien- 
tious, and  patriotic  in  their  stern  opposition  to 
the  new  order  of  things.  And  when  other 
phases  and  forces  which  have  been  at  work  in 
China,  during  the  past  sixty  years,  are  considered 
and  understood,  this  fact  may  seem  less  sur- 
prising. 

Patriotic  or  selfish,  wise  or  absurd  in  their 
opposition  to  modern  ways  and  ideas,  the  entire 
history  of  foreign  relations  with  the  Chinese 
Empire  exhibits  the  literati  as  an  intensely  hos- 
tile and  dangerous  force.  Every  absurd  story, 
calculated  to  arouse  popular  fear  and  hatred 
against  foreigners,  has  either  originated  with  or 
been  countenanced  by  them.  The  Tientsin 
massacre  of  1870  was  emphatically  their  work. 
And  the  ultimate  responsibility  for  every  popular 
uprising,  peaceful  or  violent,  against  foreigners, 
or  the  modern  ideas  and  ways  of  life  which  they 


88  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


represent,  must  be  laid  upon  the  shoulders  of  the 
literati.  They  utterly  thwarted  the  efforts  of 
the  Emperor  in  1886  to  broaden  the  range  of 
study,  and  the  civil  service  examinations  by  the 
addition  of  mathematical  subjects.  For  more 
than  thirty  years  they  have  practically  boycotted 
the  Peking  University,  where  languages,  mathe- 
matics, and  modern  science  have  been  taught 
in  connection  with  the  Confucian  course.  And 
the  literati,  rather  than  the  Empress  Dowager, 
must  be  held  accountable  for  the  recent  fiasco 
in  the  plans  of  the  Emperor  for  reform.  Those 
plans,  crude,  ill  advised,  and  far  too  radical  for 
the  intense  conservatism  of  the  Chinese,  might 
still  have  met  with  some  poor  measure  of  success, 
and  have  proved  to  be  stepping-stones  to  better 
things.  But  the  bitter  hostility  of  the  literati 
and  official  class  encouraged  the  ambition  of  the 
Empress  Dowager.  Utter  failure  and  the  prac- 
tical dethronement  of  Kuang  Hsu  were  the  re- 
sults. 

Here  then  is  to  be  found  the  most  serious 
factor  and  the  greatest  power  in  Chinese  life, 
whether  viewed  from  a commercial,  social,  or 
political  standpoint.  How  to  utilize  the  literary 
aristocracy  or  to  neutralize  their  influence,  is  the 
greatest  and  most  dangerous  problem  in  modern 
China.  It  is  fatal  to  ignore  them.  They  must 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  89 


be  reckoned  with.  And  that  reckoning  will 
exhaust  a measureless  amount  of  tact,  patience, 
sagacity,  and  wisdom.  That  Chinese  statesman 
wrho  is  equal  to  this  task,  who  shall  win  over  this 
great  body  of  men  to  even  a qualified  approval 
of  the  new  order  and  of  progress — he  will  have 
solved  the  Chinese  problem,  and  will  deserve 
the  benedictions  of  his  race  and  of  the  world. 
None  but  a Chinese  should  venture  to  undertake 
the  task. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


CHINESE  SOCIETIES. 

The  Chinese  possess  great  natural  power  of 
organization.  Their  uniform,  systematic,  meth- 
odical habits  of  thought  and  action  lead  directly 
to  organized  effort.  Individually,  the  Chinaman 
is  cautions,  secretive,  and  timid.  Hence,  he  seeks 
by  means  of  combination  the  courage  and  protec- 
tion which  he  cannot  find  in  himself  alone.  In 
this  respect  he  differs  only  in  degree,  not  in 
kind,  from  people  in  other  lands.  And  it  should 
be  said  that,  as  a rule,  Chinese  combinations  are 
far  less  frequently  aimed  against  outsiders  than 
toward  mutual  benefit.  They  are  almost  never 
offensive  alliances,  but  rather  mutual  aid  associa- 
tions. 

It  has  often  been  asserted  that  the  Chinese 
are  the  most  clannish  people  in  the  world.  This 
may  be  true.  But  it  is  the  clannishness  of  local- 
ity. A great  communal  combination,  purely 
democratic  in  form,  comes  naturally  and  without 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  91 


specific  action  into  being.  It  never  has  an  auto- 
cratic chief,  and  its  leaders  are  simply  the  old 
men,  the  fathers  of  the  people.  Its  purposes 
seldom  go  beyond  the  protection  of  the  rights 
and  privileges  of  the  people  of  the  district  cov- 
ered by  it,  and  defence  against  incursions  of  any 
sort  from  without.  It  is  a natural  sequence  to 
one  peculiarity  of  the  patriarchal  form  of  the 
Chinese  Government,  by  which  the  old  men  in 
any  village  or  district  are  given  semi-official 
authority  over  the  younger  and  held  accountable 
for  the  good  conduct  of  the  latter. 

It  develops,  as  one  of  its  effects,  great  local 
pride,  or  provincialism,  and  frequently  a keen 
rivalry  between  the  inhabitants  of  different  dis- 
tricts, and  this  in  turn  results  in  brawls  and 
collisions  between  the  different  parties.  Two 
Chinese  engaged  in  the  same  calling,  but  coming 
from  different  districts,  will  seldom  work  har- 
moniously together.  If  an  American,  resident 
in  Peking  and  employing  Pekingese  servants, 
should  add  one  from  Tientsin  or  any  other  local- 
ity to  his  staff,  trouble  would  arise  inevitably 
and  almost  at  once.  And  each  of  the  servants 
of  the  locality  would,  being  questioned,  assure 
his  master  that  the  employe  from  Tientsin  was 
a very  bad  man,  and  would  really  believe  it 
himself.  For  “ a man  whom  I do  not  like”  and 


92  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


“ a bad  man  ” are  practically  synonymous  phrases 
among  the  Chinese. 

A variety  of  circumstances  have  tended  to 
extend  and  intensify  this  clanship  of  locality. 
The  system  of  ancestral  worship,  which  requires 
that  each  man  should  rest  after  death  in  the 
family  cemetery,  has  had  much  to  do  with  it. 
The  lack  of  newspapers  and  of  facilities  for  easy 
intercommunication  between  different  parts  of 
the  empire  have  prevented  contact  and  contrast 
with  other  and  remote  districts,  and  thus  fostered 
an  ignorant  pride  in  each  Chinaman  over  the 
fancied  superiority  of  his  own  neighborhood. 
Some  two  hundred  years  ago  the  Emperor, 
Kang  Hsi — than  whom  few  wiser  rulers  have 
occupied  a throne — prepared  a series  of  essays, 
familiarly  known  as  the  “ Sacred  Edicts,”  in 
which  the  young  men  of  the  empire  were  to  be 
instructed  at  stated  periods  by  their  elders. 
Among  other  injunctions  laid  upon  the  rising 
generation  in  these  imperial  instructions,  they 
were  charged  not  to  roam  abroad,  but  to  estab- 
lish themselves  in  their  own  villages  and  pursue 
the  callings  followed  by  their  fathers  before 
them.  This  advice,  broadly  disseminated  and 
taught  through  the  empire,  has  given  a fixedness 
of  home  and  occupation  to  the  mass  of  the 
Chinese  people,  and  done  much  to  develop  a 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  93 


clannish  disposition.  It  has  thrown  a question 
of  respectability  against  any  young  men  who 
seek  either  change  of  place  or  calling.  It  has 
given  a basis  to  the  idea  that  each  centre  of 
population,  no  matter  how  small  or  poverty- 
stricken,  is  best  for  its  own  inhabitants — and 
hence  better  than  any  other.  Thus  it  has  fur- 
nished an  immediate  breeding-ground  for  rivalry 
and  dispute. 

Another  phase  of  this  clannish  spirit  is  found 
in  Peking,  developed  by  a different  set  of  origi- 
nal circumstances.  When  that  city  was  finally 
chosen  by  Genghis  Khan  and  his  grandson  Kublai 
• — the  great  Tartar  conquerors — to  be  the  capital 
of  their  vast  dominions,  men  were  invited  from 
various  parts  of  China  to  come  and  establish 
themselves  there.  This  step  was  necessary  to 
provide  conveniences  and  supplies  for  the  court 
and  the  vast  army.  To  avoid  confusion  and 
quarrels  among  the  newcomers,  various  pursuits 
and  avocations  were  assigned  to  the  men  from 
different  provinces.  And  to  this  day  the  bankers 
and  builders  in  Peking  are  substantially  all  men 
from  Shansi;  the  water-carriers  and  furriers  are 
all  from  Shantung;  and  those  who  transport 
passengers  and  merchandise  to  different  parts 
of  the  empire  are  all  Mohammedans,  the  de- 
scendants of  Persians  who  went  to  China  many 


94  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


centuries  ago.  It  is  so  difficult  for  any  outsider 
to  establish  himself  in  any  calling,  thus  set  apart 
centuries  ago  to  a class  of  which  he  is  not  a 
member,  that  it  is  never  attempted. 

This  clannish  spirit  sometimes  exists  as  a 
special  combination  covering  large  portions  of 
the  empire,  yet  having  no  definite  organization, 
and  specially  active  against  the  natives  of  some 
other  region.  It  is  never  difficult,  in  such  cases, 
to  find  the  reason.  Thus  the  men  of  Canton  are 
peculiarly  objectionable  to  the  natives  of  all  of 
central,  northern,  and  western  China.  In  the 
horrible  massacre  at  Tientsin  in  1870  nearly  as 
many  Cantonese  as  natives  of  France  were  put 
to  death.  They  are  disliked  and  combined 
against,  first  because  they  are  too  far  from  home 
and  are  seeking  a livelihood  in  sections  of  the 
empire  which  do  not  belong  to  them,  but  have 
been  set  apart  by  Heaven  for  others.  Another 
and  more  serious  reason  is  found  in  the  fact  that 
they  possess  higher  business  qualities  than  other 
Chinese.  The  Cantonese  are  quicker,  better, 
sharper  merchants,  more  agile  and  dextrous  in 
their  commercial  touch  than  the  men  of  other 
parts  of  the  empire.  They  are  the  Yankees  of 
China.  Hence  the  mutual  protective  combina- 
tion against  them.  Even  the  officials  clan 
against  those  from  the  province  of  Canton. 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  95 


They  do  it  because  the  latter  are  excessively 
clannish  themselves  and  are,  at  least,  accused 
of  rendering  undue  favor  and  assistance  to  offi- 
cials or  people  from  their  own  province. 

But  no  serious  weight  need  be  given  to  this 
divisive  feeling  in  matters  which  concern  either 
the  Chinese  race  or  the  empire.  It  is  a mere 
surface  play  of  wind.  The  Chinese  have  their 
local  feuds  and  squabbles,  their  clans  and  com- 
binations, they  may  wrangle  and  quarrel  among 
themselves,  but  all  those  affairs  count  for  noth- 
ing when  a common  enemy  or  a common  danger 
threatens  them.  Then  their  natural  talent  for 
organization  acts  in  a new  direction,  and  they 
bring  a practically  unanimous  power  into  opera- 
tion. Probably  no  province  in  the  empire  has 
so  many  clan  divisions,  bitter  local  feuds,  and 
factions  among  the  inhabitants  as  that  of  Fu- 
chien.  Through  a large  portion  of  it  there  is 
no  common  local  language.  Dialects  so  divide 
up  the  speech  that  residents  upon  one  bank  of 
a stream  are  in  some  cases  unable  to  understand 
the  speech  of  those  who  live  upon  the  other. 
Yet  in  all  China  is  found  no  province  where  all 
the  people  have  combined  so  unanimously  and 
with  such  bitterness  and  persistency  against 
every  form  of  what  they  consider  encroachment 
by  foreigners  of  any  nationality. 


96  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


The  person  who  considers  China  as  a con- 
glomeration rather  than  a chemical  compound, 
as  an  accidental  mixture  of  different  races  and 
tribes  rather  than  a unified,  assimilated  nation, 
can  have  but  little  knowledge  of  her  people. 
History  furnishes  no  parallel  of  any  race  or 
nation,  of  noticeable  size,  so  homogeneous,  so 
uniform,  and  so  intense  in  its  characteristics. 
Their  nationality  is  burned  into  them.  They 
cannot  slough  it  off  or  exchange  it  for  any  other. 
They  absorb  other  races.  But  they  remain 
always  Chinese.  A serious  mistake  will  be  made 
by  any  man  or  any  government  which  imagines 
that  there  exists  any  available  points  of  topo- 
graphical division,  any  lack  of  cohesive  force,  or 
any  lines  of  cleavage  which  may  be  taken  advan- 
tage of  to  effect  a partition  of  the  Chinese 
Empire. 

When  it  comes  to  what  may  be  termed  more 
definite  combinations,  the  Chinese  genius  ex- 
hibits itself  in  very  much  the  same  corporate 
forms  with  the  same  broad  range  of  objects  as 
the  like  disposition  develops  in  other  lands. 
Merchants  organize  in  order  to  control  the 
market,  regulate  prices,  and  avoid  unprofitable' 
competition.  Labor  combines,  not  so  much  to 
determine  wages  and  hours  of  labor  as  the  num- 
ber of  apprentices  allowable,  and  the  length  of 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  97 


their  term  of  service.  The  servants  in  any  large 
establishment,  official  or  domestic,  form  them- 
selves into  a company  for  business  purposes. 
Each  one,  in  his  particular  line  of  duty,  secures 
a percentage,  commonly  called  a “ squeeze,” 
upon  all  purchases,  sales,  or  other  financial 
transactions.  The  proceeds  are  placed  in  a 
common  fund,  and  dividends  declared  at  stated 
times  to  each,  according  to  his  rank  or  position 
as  compared  with  the  other  servants  or  stock- 
holders. In  a private  establishment,  if  the  mas- 
ter buys  a house,  his  servants  secure  a small 
portion  of  the  price  and  it  goes  into  the  common 
fund  for  distribution.  If  his  cook  buys  a few 
pounds  of  steak  or  a basket  of  eggs,  a few  cash 
are  added  to  the  reported  cost  and  quietly  passed 
to  the  credit  of  the  common  fund.  If  the  barber 
or  the  chiropodist  attends  upon  a member  of 
the  family,  a few’  cash  from  his  fee  goes  to  the 
benefit  of  this  servant’s  collection.  In  public 
offices  the  same  system  obtains  among  the  at- 
tendants. If  a great  man  calls  upon  a greater, 
the  chief  follower  of  the  visitor  presents  a sum 
of  money,  regulated  in  size  by  circumstances, 
to  the  servants  of  the  host,  on  behalf  of  his 
master.  Litigants  in  court  are  expected  to  fee 
the  attendants.  Through  the  whole  round  of 
official  or  private  life  this  system  is  found.  In 


98  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


one  of  the  larger  legations  in  Peking  the  native 
servants  for  years  maintained  a private  banking 
account,  made  daily  deposits,  and  divided  the 
proceeds  each  three  months.  And  this  is  not,  in 
Chinese  families,  at  least,  quite  such  an  unright- 
eous club  as  may  at  first  appear.  For  the  servants 
receive  almost  nothing  in  the  way  of  wages,  and 
this  system  of  payment  by  percentages  is  quite 
understood  between  them  and  their  masters. 
This  form  of  combination  has  existed  from  time 
immemorial,  and  is  well-nigh  universal.  Some- 
thing not  unlike  it  has  been  seen  in  Europe. 

In  all  the  large  centres  of  population  in  China, 
where  the  numbers  will  warrant,  provincial  clubs 
or  guilds  are  formed.  Each  such  guild  is  limited 
in  membership  to  persons  from  a particular 
province  who  are  residents  in  that  city.  Thus  in 
Peking  are  to  be  found  a Shansi  Guild,  a Shan- 
tung Guild,  a Honan  Guild,  and  others,  each 
composed  of  and  confined  to  persons  resident 
in  the  capital,  but  natives  of  the  province 
whose  name  it  bears.  The  nature  of  these  or- 
ganizations is  co-operative  in  matters  of  busi- 
ness, and  also  social  and  philanthropic.  Each 
looks  after  all  people  of  its  own  district  who 
may  be  in  Peking,  cares  for  them  and  their 
families  in  cases  of  poverty  or  illness,  aids  them 
to  return  home  if  nothing  better  offers,  or  to 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  99 


find  employment  if  that  is  possible.  An  impor- 
tant part  of  the  duty  of  each  guild  is  to  see  that 
the  dearest  wish  of  each  Chinese  heart  is  ful- 
filled— that  is,  to  see  that  the  body  of  each 
member  is  carried  decently  and  reverently  back 
to  his  native  village  after  death  and  laid,  with 
all  proper  ceremonial,  beside  the  dust  of  his 
ancestors.  And  a considerable  portion  of  the 
funds  of  each  guild  is  expended  in  this  way. 
The  members  meet  frequently  for  social  inter- 
course and  amusement,  sometimes  decorous  and 
sometimes  otherwise.  More  than  one  of  the 
provincial  guilds  in  Peking  maintain  theatres, 
where  plays  and  other  public  entertainments  are 
given. 

There  is  an  immense  number  and  great  variety 
of  local  mutual  aid  societies  in  China.  Some  of 
them  are  much  like  the  “ Burial  Clubs”  found 
in  Great  Britain  and  elsewhere.  Others  are 
somewhat  similar  to  life,  or  rather  annuity,  in- 
surance companies.  And  it  is  no  uncommon 
thing  for  a small  party  of  men  to  band  together, 
each  pledging  himself  to  pay  a fixed  sum  of 
money,  each  ten  days  or  month,  into  a common 
treasury.  When  these  payments  have  continued 
a length  of  time  agreed  upon  in  advance,  one 
of  the  number,  chosen  by  lot,  draws  out  for  his 
own  use  an  amount  larger  than  his  total  con- 


ioo  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


tributions.  His  connection  with  the  combina- 
tion then  ceases.  The  others  continue  payments 
until  each  in  turn  has  drawn  this  same  fixed 
amount,  when  the  arrangement  ends.  Failure 
upon  the  part  of  any  member  to  make  his  con- 
tribution at  each  due  date  causes  forfeiture  of 
his  share  in  the  enterprise.  It  should  be  said 
that  these  private  lottery  combinations  are  a 
prolific  source  of  quarrels  and  litigation. 

Temperance  societies  are  found  everywhere 
in  the  Chinese  Empire,  and  have  existed  there 
from  time  immemorial.  The  organization  is 
invariably  secret,  and  nothing  has  been  learned 
concerning  its  ritual  or  the  ceremonies  of  initia- 
tion. It  is,  however,  known  that  originally  the 
members  bound  themselves  to  abstain  from  all 
wine  and  spirits  (made  from  rice)  and  from  the 
use  of  tobacco  in  any  form,  and  that  nearly  a 
century  ago  opium  was  added  to  the  list  of  for- 
bidden articles.  There  is  probably  no  national 
or  provincial  organization  of  these  reformers. 
But  they  are  to  be  found  everywhere  and  in  all 
grades  of  society. 

Nothing  need  be  said  concerning  a large  class 
of  secret  social  organizations  among  the  Chinese, 
corresponding  somewhat  closely  with  the  Ma- 
sonic and  other  like  fraternities  in  the  Western 
world.  They  exist,  they  have  their  secret  signs, 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  ioi 


grips,  and  passwords,  and  there,  as  elsewhere, 
promote  good-fellowship  among  men.  But  little 
or  nothing  is  known  concerning  them.  They 
are  not  in  evidence  as  having  any  serious  in- 
fluence upon  the  nation,  and  may  be  dismissed 
with  this  word  of  mention. 

Much  interesting  fiction  has  been  written 
regarding  secret  political  organizations  among 
the  people  of  China.  Where  little  or  nothing 
is  known,  much  can  the  more  readily  be  imag- 
ined. And  it  is  a fact,  at  once  curious  and 
attractive  to  the  speculative  mind,  that,  while 
distance  in  space  lessens  the  apparent  size  of  any 
given  object,  distance  in  time  commonly  has  the 
effect  to  enormously  increase  it.  “ There  were 
giants  in  the  earth  in  those  days”  is  the  inevi- 
table conclusion  reached  by  any  reader  who 
seeks  to  accept  much  that  has  been  written  about 
the  remote  past  either  in  China  or  elsewhere. 
Thus  the  act  of  a Chinese  usurper  or  patriot, 
whichever  he  may  be  called,  requiring  the  mem- 
bers of  his  band  to  paint  their  eyebrows  crimson 
before  going  into  battle,  for  purposes  of  identi- 
fication in  the  melee,  and  also  with  the  childlike 
purpose,  too  often  effective,  of  frightening  the 
enemy,  has  grown  in  2000  years  into  an  im- 
mense— because  ancient — secret  political  society 
called  “ The  Crimson  Eyebrows.”  The  worship 


io2  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


of  the  Queen  of  Heaven — represented  by  the 
moon — was  borrowed  from  the  Christian  sys- 
tem and  added  to  Buddhism  about  a.d.  1280. 
A new  ritual  of  moon  worship  was  then  intro- 
duced and  widely  adopted.  At  the  same  time 
a rebellion  was  in  progress  against  the  Mongol 
dynasty,  in  which  a Chinese,  who  had  formerly 
been  a Buddhist  priest,  played  some  part.  This 
slight  coincidence  was  enough,  in  the  minds  of 
imaginative  historians,  to  produce  the  “ Society 
of  Moon-Gazers,”  which  is  supposed,  as  a secret 
political  combination,  to  have  shaken  China  and 
upset  the  Mongol  rule. 

One  writer  professes  to  trace  these  secret 
societies  of  political  malcontents  back  to  a point 
far  antedating  the  Christian  era  and,  indeed,  the 
period  of  authentic  Chinese  history.  He  gives 
more  or  less  fanciful  names  to  several  supposed 
to  have  been  in  existence  at  that  time.  Another 
writer  of  no  less  authority  asserts  that  these 
societies  first  appeared  in  China  so  recently  as 
about  a.d.  1800.  This  last  is  positively  a mis- 
statement, as  will  be  seen.  But  the  fact  is,  as 
might  be  expected,  that  very  little  is  known 
about  such  combinations.  Their  records  are 
not  public  property,  their  membership  and  the 
purposes  of  their  organization  are  only  known 
among  themselves.  If  their  schemes  fail,  they 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  103 


disappear.  If  they  succeed,  then  success  puts 
an  end  to  the  society,  as  there  is  no  longer  any 
object  in  keeping  it  alive.  Thus,  in  either  event, 
they  are  generally  ephemeral,  and  their  records 
die  with  them. 

Doubtless  there  have  been,  from  first  to  last, 
a very  considerable  number  of  secret  organiza- 
tions, semi-religious  and  semi-political,  within 
the  Chinese  Empire.  The  great  majority  of 
them  have  been  purely  local  and  temporary, 
formed  to  encourage  devotion  to  some  special 
cult,  and  to  effect  redress  or  reform  of  some 
grievance  against  the  authorities.  Or  the  first- 
named  purpose  may  be  purely  nominal,  used  as 
a cloak  to  cover  the  second  and  avert  suspicion. 
In  this  shape,  they  are  the  natural  outgrowth  of 
the  clan  system.  They  are,  in  fact,  the  clan  cor- 
porated  into  a body  better  calculated  to  produce 
results.  These  come  and  go,  serve  as  checks 
and  warnings  to  local  officials,  but  have  not  the 
least  general  influence  upon  the  empire  at  large. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  politics  excite 
or  interest  the  Chinese  to  an  extremely  limited 
extent.  In  an  empire  where  there  are  no  elec- 
tions and  no  elective  officers,  no  legislative  body, 
and  hence  no  caucuses,  no  political  conventions, 
and  no  nominees,  there  is  little  left  in  the  way  of 
politics  worthy  of  the  name.  There  are  no 


io4  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


bosses,  no  heelers,  no  parades,  no  mutual  mud- 
throwing— and  not  too  much  self-government. 
Leaving  local  troubles  out  of  sight — and  the 
method  of  dealing  with  them  has  already  been 
indicated — there  appears  to  remain  but  two  gen- 
eral topics  for  political  agitation  which  can  have 
stirred  the  Chinese  mind  during  the  past  two 
and  one-half  centuries.  These  are  the  exchange 
of  the  entire  system  of  government  for  some 
other  and  the  overthrow  of  the  present  Manchu 
dynasty  in  favor  of  one  Chinese.  To  these  two 
the  foreigner  and  foreign  aggressions  have  been 
added  during  the  past  fifty  years. 

So  far  as  the  first-mentioned  topic  of  political 
agitation  is  concerned,  it  finds  no  place  whatever 
in  the  Chinese  mind.  It  is  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  facts  in  history,  that,  in  all  their 
records,  exact  or  traditional,  no  sign  or  vestige 
of  any  dissatisfaction  with  their  fortn  of  govern- 
ment can  be  traced.  The  student  of  history  may 
go  back  through  twenty-eight  dynasties  to  b.c. 
2205,  about  the  time  of  the  birth  of  Abraham, 
and  back  from  that  point,  through  tradition  and 
myth,  to  the  days  of  Pang  Ku — supposed  by 
some  to  be  a Chinese  contemporary  of  Noah,  and 
by  others  to  antedate  him — and  nowhere  is  there 
to  be  found  any  indication  of  dissatisfaction  with, 
or  important  change  in,  the  Chinese  govern- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  105 


mental  system.  Revolutions  came,  dynasties 
were  swept  away,  and  others  took  possession  of 
the  throne,  to  be  in  turn  cast  aside,  but  the 
theory  and  system  of  government  was  never 
altered.  In  modern  times,  the  existing  Manchu 
dynasty  came  into  control  of  the  Chinese  Em- 
pire, not  because  of  any  revolt  against  the  form 
of  government,  but  because  of  a quarrel  between 
two  sons  of  a deceased  Ming  emperor  as  to 
which  of  them  should  place  himself  in  control. 
The  system  is  patriarchal  and  paternal.  It 
seemingly  was  bestowed,  full  grown  and  com- 
plete, upon  the  Chinese  people  at  the  very  begin- 
ning of  their  existence,  and  has  remained  un- 
changed and  continuous  to  the  present  time,  and 
to  their  entire  content.  No  cabal  or  open  attack 
upon  it  would  meet  with  any  following  or 
success. 

The  rule  of  the  Manchus  has  been,  upon  the 
whole,  wise  and  impartial  from  the  Chinese 
point  of  view,  and  has  given  little  occasion  for 
organization  against  it,  excepting  on  purely 
sentimental  grounds.  That  the  Emperor  is  a 
foreigner  constitutes  the  gravest  charge  brought 
against  him.  The  main  burdens  and  honors  of 
administration  are  in  the  hands  of  Chinese,  little 
or  no  favoritism  is  shown.  Viewed  from  any 
practical  point,  the  Manchus  have  not  overrun 


io6  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


the  empire,  but  China  has  absorbed  the  Man- 
chus.  And  there  is  no  serious  public  sentiment 
against  their  rule.  No  person  can  question  the 
thoroughly  national  sentiment,  the  patriotism, 
of  such  men  as  Li  Hung  Chang,  Liu  Kun  Yi, 
and  Chang  Chih  Tung,  the  three  great  viceroys 
— and  they  would  be  great  men  in  any  country — 
who  practically  hold  the  destinies  of  the  empire 
in  their  hands  while  these  lines  are  being  written. 
They  are  all  Chinese,  and  yet  of  tried  and  thor- 
ough loyalty  to  the  reigning  family.  While  the 
more  intelligent  and  thoughtful-minded  among 
the  people  may  be  heard  at  times  to  regret  that 
the  sagacious  and  virile  power  of  administration 
which  so  strongly  characterized  the  earlier 
emperors  of  the  present  regime  should  not  have 
been  reproduced  in  their  successors,  and  that 
much  laxity  and  corruption  has  crept  in  as  a 
result,  yet  their  wishes  for  reform  never  even 
hint  at  a change  of  dynasty.  And  remarks  of 
this  nature  come  quite  as  frequently  from  Man- 
chus  as  from  Chinese. 

Those  in  power  have  taken  few  protective 
measures  against  secret  intrigue  or  open  revolt. 
A large  Manchu  militia  force  is  gathered  in  and 
about  Peking.  Theoretically,  they  report  for 
drill  twice  each  month.  They  have  resided  there 
for  generations  with  their  families,  some  of  them 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  107 


have  gone  into  business.  They  have  lost  the 
last  instinct  of  war  possessed  by  their  ancestors 
when  they  roamed  about  the  breezy  plateau  of 
Manchuria,  and  their  value  as  soldiers  must  be 
rated  very  low.  Smaller  garrisons  of  Manchus 
are  to  be  found  at  certain  other  points  in  the 
empire.  So  far  as  soldiery  is  concerned,  the 
ruling  family  may  be  said  to  depend  entirely 
upon  the  loyalty  and  kindly  feeling  of  the  Chi- 
nese. 

In  the  way  of  preventive  measures,  no  natives, 
Manchus,  or  Chinese,  are  permitted  to  have 
firearms  of  any  sort — soldiers,  of  course,  ex- 
cepted— and  the  importation  of  them  is  strictly 
prohibited.  Sulphur  and  saltpetre,  being  in- 
gredients of  gunpowder,  may  only  be  taken  into 
the  empire  on  government  account.  They  can 
be  dealt  in  only  by  specially  licensed  persons, 
who  are  not  allowed  to  sell  any  quantity  of 
either,  however  small,  to  a private  individual, 
except  upon  an  authorization  from  a police 
magistrate.  And  this  sums  up  all  measures 
taken  against  attempts  to  subvert  the  dynasty, 
unless  it  should  be  added  that  the  capital  is  under 
military  rule,  and  that  the  governor  is  always 
a Manchu,  and  generally  a remote  relative  of  the 
imperial  family.  Such  entire  lack  of  any  valuable 
precaution  shows  either  a feeling  of  complete 


io8  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


security  or  an  alarming  ignorance  of  actual 
danger.  So  far  as  secret  political  intrigue  is 
concerned,  the  history  of  the  past  two  hundred 
and  fifty  years  fails  to  indicate  any  serious  cause 
of  uneasiness.  Local  uprisings  have  been  pro- 
voked by  secret  organizations,  but  these  have 
been  suppressed  without  difficulty.  They  have 
never  obtained  any  general  following  among  the 
people. 

The  first  secret  political  society  organized  in 
China,  of  which  anything  authentic  is  known, 
was  the  “ White  Lily  Sect” — “ Pai  Lien  Chiao.” 
It  was  formed  about  a.d.  1650.  It  appears  to 
have  originated  in  the  province  of  Shantung, 
where  its  headquarters  have  generally  remained, 
and  where  it  has  had  the  largest  membership. 
Statements  regarding  membership,  location  of 
headquarters,  and  other  details  of  such  political 
conspiracies  must,  however,  always  be  taken 
with  much  reserve.  No  reliable  conjecture  can 
be  made  of  the  total  number  of  followers  of  the 
White  Lily  Sect  at  the  period  of  its  greatest 
prosperity.  Its  motive  and  watch-cry  was, 
“ Down  with  the  Manchus,  restore  the  Mings.” 
Nothing  is  known  of  its  ritual  or  methods  of 
initiation.  Purely  political  in  its  aims,  it  made 
but  slight  attempt  to  conceal  them,  under  a pre- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  109 


text  of  zeal  for  the  observance  of  ancient  relig- 
ious rites. 

The  attention  of  the  government  was  speedily 
drawn  to  it,  and  it  was  interdicted  by  the  Em- 
peror, Shun  Chih,  any  connection  with  it  being 
made  punishable  with  death.  One  of  the  best 
works  of  fiction  in  Chinese  literature  was  sup- 
posed to  have  been  written  by  a member  of  this 
sect,  and  was  suppressed  by  the  Emperor  because 
of  offensive  references  to  the  reigning  family 
contained  in  it.  It  was  called  the  “ Hung  Lou 
Meng,”  or  “ Dream  of  the  Red  Chamber,”  and 
it  resembles  a large  number  of  fairy  tales 
threaded  together  rather  than  a modern  novel. 
By  an  ingenious  substitution  of  false  characters, 
words,  occasionally  throughout  certain  portions 
of  the  work — something  like  incorrect  spelling 
— the  imperial  interdict  was  evaded,  and  it  has 
continued  in  print  and  popularity  down  to  the 
present  day.  Foreign  students  of  Chinese  com- 
monly read  a portion  of  it,  the  smooth  and  excel- 
lent style  making  it  an  invaluable  text-book. 

The  determined  efforts  made  by  the  govern- 
ment to  suppress  the  White  Lily  Sect  largely 
reduced  its  membership,  and  eventually  pro- 
duced a change  of  name.  It  became  known 
indifferently  as  the  “ Tien  Ti  Huei  ” — “ Heaven 


no  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


and  Earth  Society” — or  the  “ San  Ho  Huei” — 
“ Triad  Society,”  though  more  commonly  men- 
tioned among  foreigners  by  the  latter  title. 
Under  this  name,  it  is  supposed  to  be  still  in 
existence.  As  recently  as  1845,  the  British 
colonial  authorities  at  Hong  Kong  passed  an 
ordinance  that  any  Chinese  resident  of  the  colony 
who  was  proved  to  be  a member  of  the  Triad 
Society  should  be  held  guilty  of  felony,  impris- 
oned for  three  years,  then  branded  and  banished. 
At  rare  intervals  mention  of  its  operations  is 
heard  among  the  Chinese.  The  Imperial  Govern- 
ment is  still  active  against  it,  and  to  charge  any 
native  with  being  a member  of  the  White  Lily 
Sect,  or  the  Triad  Society,  is  to  sign  his  death 
warrant.  It  is,  however,  at  least  questionable 
whether  this  organization,  under  either  or  any 
name,  has  had  an  existence  for  years.  Local 
disturbances,  instigated  by  local  secret  societies, 
are  charged  up  to  it  as  a convenient  explanation, 
and  the  local  Chinese  authorities  are  frightened 
by  its  ghost,  as  children  are  frightened  by  bug- 
bears. 

It  must  be  said  of  this,  and  of  all  other  secret 
political  organizations  in  China,  that,  whatever 
anxiety  they  may  cause  the  government,  they 
are  little  to  be  feared  by  it,  since  the  outrages 
perpetrated  by  members  and  the  illegal  and 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


1 1 1 


high-handed  conduct  of  the  leaders  prejudice 
and  combine  the  masses  of  the  people  against 
them.  Blackmail,  plunder,  and  robbery  are  the 
means  frequently  employed  to  force  persons  into 
their  ranks.  And  these  work  their  destruction. 

The  “ Ke  Lao  Huei,”  or  “ Society  of  Elder 
Brothers,”  was  originally  a sort  of  Loyal  Legion. 
It  was  founded  about  a.d.  1857  by  Tseng  Kuo 
Fan,  a noted  civil  and  military  leader,  and  senior 
officer  in  command  of  the  government  forces, 
during  the  Tai  Ping  Rebellion.  At  the  outset, 
its  membership  was  confined  to  veterans  of  this 
war.  Its  purpose  was  the  cultivation  of  a spirit 
of  patriotism,  and  its  motto  might  be  said  to  be, 
“ China  for  the  Chinese.”  It  was  loyal  to 
Manchu  rule.  The  spirit  which  it  encouraged 
was  not  directed  against  the  reigning  family, 
but  against  foreign — that  is,  American  or  Euro- 
pean— aggression.  The  headquarters  of  the 

society  were  in  Hunan,  and  its  principal  con- 
stituency was  found  there  and  in  adjoining  prov- 
inces. And  that  it  has  done  efficient  work  in 
its  peculiar  line  is  shown  by  an  exceptionally 
intense  hostility  to  foreign  innovations  and 
modern  progress  throughout  the  region  men- 
tioned as  its  home.  The  limitation  of  member- 
ship to  soldiers  was  removed  at  an  early  period 
in  its  history,  and  it  is  said  to  have  had  at  one 


1 12  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


time  more  than  a million  names  upon  its  rolls. 
This  must  be  taken  as  purely  conjectural,  if  not 
visionary. 

The  “ Society  of  Elder  Brothers”  has  been 
called  a military  conspiracy.  If  so,  it  still  is  not 
a conspiracy  against  the  Chinese  Government. 
It  may  have  been  used  to  bring  the  local  or 
provincial  authorities  to  terms  on  occasion,  but 
no  hostility  to  the  imperial  authority  is  in  evi- 
dence against  it.  There  is,  on  the  other,  hand, 
ground  for  the  suspicion  that  it  has  been  the 
active  agent  in  more  than  one  uprising  against 
foreigners,  and  of  which  they  have  been  the 
victims.  And  there  are  no  available  means  of 
determining  whether  it  is  still  in  existence,  under 
the  same  or  a changed  name,  or  whether,  if 
disbanded,  the  whirlwind  of  so-called  “ Boxers,” 
now  sweeping  over  China,  has  or  has  not  in- 
herited any  considerable  portion  of  its  member- 
ship, together  with  its  rallying  cry  of  hatred  to 
foreigners. 

The  only  uprising  against  Manchu  domina- 
tion which  has  threatened  serious  results  was 
that  known  as  the  “ Tai  Ping  Rebellion,”  which 
burst  into  existence  in  1850,  devastated  and 
depopulated  the  very  heart  of  the  Chinese  Em- 
pire, and  was  only  suppressed  after  nearly  fifteen 
years  of  uncertain  struggle.  It  is  mentioned 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  113 


here  because  the  statement  has  been  made  that 
it  was  brought  about  by  the  Triad  Society.  Such 
is  not  the  fact.  That  secret  organization  had 
incited  an  unimportant  uprising  in  favor  of  the 
former,  or  Ming,  dynasty,  and  it  had  failed. 
The  Tai  Ping  Rebellion  was  brought  about  by 
the  son  of  a small  farmer,  named  Hung  Chuan. 
He  had  passed  the  government  examinations 
with  credit,  but,  failing  to  secure  an  appointment 
to  office,  he  became  a malcontent,  studied  Bud- 
dhism, and  became  a Buddhist,  studied  Chris- 
tianity, and  accepted  that  faith.  A compound 
of  enthusiast,  fanatic,  and  madman,  he  organized 
an  uprising  with  a speed  possible  only  in  China, 
whose  people  are  at  once  the  slowest  and  the 
swiftest  of  humankind,  planned  a Christian 
government,  with  himself  at  its  head,  under  the 
title  of  “ The  Heavenly  King,”  deceived  the 
missionaries,  some  of  whom  went  by  invitation 
to  reside  at  his  court,  ran  from  Christianity  to 
unparalleled  blasphemy  and  excess  of  every  sort, 
and  finally  ended  his  own  life  to  avoid  the  public 
executioner.  There  is  no  cause  to  suspect  a con- 
nection between  this  uprising  and  any  secret 
political  society. 

It  is  too  soon  to  speak  of  the  “ Boxer”  move- 
ment, or,  as  it  should  be  called,  The  Sword 
Society.  Its  membership,  ritual,  and  purpose 


1 14  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


are  all  unessential.  It  lacks  every  quality  and 
condition  necessary  to  success.  Its  only  impor- 
tance consists  in  the  fact  that  it  is  the  ebullition 
of  a sentiment  almost  universal  in  China — hatred 
of  the  foreigner.  For  this  reason  alone,  it  de- 
serves careful  study  and  examination.  The 
masses  of  the  Chinese  people  are  quiet,  indus- 
trious, patient,  given  to  endurance.  But  they 
are  neither  stolid  nor  lethargic.  With  them  a 
sudden  impulse  has,  invariably,  a long-existing 
cause.  Ideas  and  feelings  may  filter  slowly  into 
their  consciousness,  but  once  lodged  there  they 
gather  force  unnoted,  until  suddenly,  and  for  no 
reason  apparent  at  the  moment,  they  burst  into 
action,  sweeping  everything  before  them.  It 
may  be  comparatively  easy  to  take  vengeance 
for  such  floods  of  violence.  It  is  far  more  politic, 
as  well  as  humane,  to  remove  the  cause.  And 
it  is  most  unfortunate  for  humanity  at  large  if 
Western  powers,  justly  assuming  to  themselves 
a higher  civilization  than  that  possessed  by 
China,  should,  through  any  selfish  policy,  no 
matter  how  profitable  in  appearance,  be  even  the 
remote  cause  of  such  unnecessary  and  irretriev- 
able slaughter,  suffering,  and  devastation  as  is 
now  shocking  the  world. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  CHINESE  ARMY  AND  NAVY. 

All  military  and  naval  matters  in  the  Chinese 
Empire  are  placed  under  the  control  of  the  Board 
of  War,  which  corresponds  with  the  War  Depart- 
ment in  the  United  States,  the  War  Office  in 
Great  Britain,  and  similar  establishments  in  other 
Western  lands.  In  the  early  days  of  Manchu 
rule,  it  was  decreed  that  the  Board  of  War  should 
have  “ the  government  and  direction  of  all  the 
officers,  within  and  without  the  eighteen  prov- 
inces, employed  in  the  military  service  of  the 
nation,  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  the  Emperor  in 
protecting  the  people.  Whatever  appertains  to 
the  ordinances  for  taking  away,  giving,  and  re- 
suming office  or  inheriting  rank,  to  the  plans  of 
the  post-office  department,  to  the  rules  of  military 
examination  and  discipline,  and  to  the  rates  and 
enrolment  of  actual  service,  shall  be  reported  to 
this  board,  in  order  to  regulate  the  hinge  of 
State.”  Thus  the  Manchu  Government  recog- 


ii 6 REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


nized  the  fact  that  its  control  in  China  turned 
upon  the  discipline  and  efficiency  of  the  army, 
and  the  Board  of  War  was  the  most  important 
department  in  the  State.  The  post-office  system 
was  put  under  its  control,  and  to  this  day  the 
only  means  for  the  transmission  of  mails 
throughout  China  is  found  in  the  courier  service 
of  the  Board  of  War.  The  statement  makes 
curious  reading  to-day,  that,  within  the  post- 
office  bureau  was  a minor  office,  called  “ the 
office  for  the  announcement  of  victories.”  Its 
post-riders  were  furnished  with  the  swiftest 
horses,  most  frequent  relays,  and  best  equip- 
ments. The  imperial  flag,  borne  on  the  saddle- 
bow, announced  their  mission,  and  cleared  the 
way  before  them.  Alas  for  China!  This  office 
has  long  since  retired  from  business.  And  that 
“ hinge  of  State,”  the  Board  of  War,  through 
overmuch  regulation,  and  utter  lack  of  wise  ad- 
ministration, has  rusted  to  such  a degree  that  it 
turns  no  longer,  and  almost  holds  the  door 
against  the  necessary  self-defence  of  the  nation. 
To  change  the  figure  for  another  not  less  expres- 
sive, it  is  no  longer  a locomotive  engine,  but 
rather  an  air-brake. 

The  active  officers  of  the  Board  of  War  consist 
of  two  Presidents  and  four  Vice-Presidents,  with 
a vast  array  of  minor  authorities,  attaches,  and 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  117 


clerks  beneath  them.  Above  these  Presidents, 
and  exercising  supervisory  functions  merely,  is 
placed  a “ General  Superintendent  of  the  Board 
of  War,”  and  he  is  a member  of  the  Chinese  Cabi- 
net, or  Privy  Council,  as  it  is  more  commonly 
called.  He  may  be  either  a Chinese  or  a Manchu. 
Of  the  two  Presidents,  one  is  Manchu  and  one 
Chinese.  Of  the  four  Vice-Presidents,  two  are 
Manchu  and  two  Chinese.  This  rule  of  equal 
division  between  the  two  races  applies  to  the 
active  heads  of  all  the  six  boards,  into  which  the 
administrative  functions  of  the  government  are 
divided.  It  is  noteworthy  as  another  evidence 
of  the  fair-minded  and  impartial  policy  of  the 
reigning  family.  There  is  no  reason  to  believe 
that  it  affects  the  efficiency  of  the  service  in  any 
manner. 

The  Presidents  of  the  Board  of  War  are  gen- 
erally elderly  and  amiable  gentlemen  of  high 
scholastic  and  literary  attainments,  graduates,  of 
course,  of  the  government  civil  service  examina- 
tions, and  who  have  filled  all  the  lower  grades  of 
civil  office.  It  is  too  true  that  a large  majority 
of  them  have  proved  to  be  inefficient  and  incapa- 
ble, incumbrances  rather  than  incumbents.  One 
venerable  gentleman  who  held  the  position  for 
many  years,  and  was  then  promoted  to  similar 
duty  in  the  Treasury  Board,  was  noted  for  his 


1 1 8 REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


“ wine  capacity,”  as  Prince  Kung  expressed  it. 
He  was  also  distinguished  as  a poet,  though  his 
verses,  elegant  as  they  were,  could  not  be  said  to 
possess  a martial  tone.  A more  energetic  col- 
league once  complained  of  this  President,  that  his 
only  labor  at  the  Board  of  War  was  to  drink  rice 
wine,  sleep,  and  eat  melon  seeds.  At  the  same 
time,  foreigners  must  find  a certain  difficulty  in 
the  criticism  of  unfit  appointments  of  this  class  by 
the  Chinese  Government.  In  no  other  country  are 
they  made  upon  the  sole  ground  of  special  fitness. 
Citizens  of  the  United  States  cannot  have  for- 
gotten the  story  told  of  an  excellent  old  man,  a 
merchant,  who,  having  been  appointed  Secretary 
of  the  Navy,  set  his  foot  for  the  first  time  on 
board  ship,  and  discovered,  to  his  immense  as- 
tonishment, that  the  vessel  was  hollow. 

The  Board  of  War  at  Peking  has  become,  what 
Dickens  so  graphically  described,  a barnacle 
office.  Its  duty,  as  practically  performed,  consists 
in  passing  upon  questions  which  it  does  not  un- 
derstand, as  they  are  referred  to  it  by  the  throne 
for  report.  It  advises  the  purchase  of  arms 
which  no  officer  of  the  board  ever  saw,  and  of  the 
use  of  which,  if  seen,  none  could  venture  even  a 
guess.  It  furnishes,  upon  demand,  long  rolls  of 
enlisted  men,  scattered  throughout  the  empire, 
many  of  whom  are  dead,  and  more  of  whom  never 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  119 


lived.  It  is,  in  the  highest  degree,  improbable 
that  the  empire  has  one-fourth  as  many  enlisted 
men  to-day  as  the  records  and  reports  of  the  War 
Board  call  for.  It  reports  equipments  of  bows 
and  arrows,  spears  and  matchlocks  for  these  sol- 
diers, in  sublime  ignorance  of  the  fact  that  these 
things,  except  in  museums  and  perhaps  in 
Ashanti,  were  lost  to  sight  more  than  a century 
ago.  It  reports  and  recommends  officers  who 
come  fresh  from  their  Confucian  studies  or  from 
civil  office,  and  who  know  neither  strategy,  tac- 
tics, the  sword  exercise,  nor  the  manual  of  arms. 
The  board  is  not  responsible  for  this  last  absurd- 
ity. There  are  no  other  available  officers  in  the 
empire.  Necessarily  its  reports  require  to  be 
handled  with  the  utmost  care,  lest  they  fall  into 
rags.  Their  only  safety  consists  in  the  fact  that 
they  are  placed  before  a cabinet  and  an  emperor 
as  remote  from  modern  life  as  the  board  itself. 
Naval  matters  also  are  handled  by  the  Board  of 
War.  Shortly  after  the  conclusion  of  the  war 
with  Japan,  it  was  naively  proposed  that  this 
branch  of  its  duties  be  abandoned,  as  there  was 
no  work  remaining  to  be  done ! 

The  fact  is  that  China  needs  an  army,  but  has 
none.  She  has,  for  the  most  part,  a rabble  who  do 
not  know  how  to  fight,  led  by  men  who  do  not 
know  how  to  lead,  and  all  equipped  and  handled 


i2o  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


under  a system  adopted  two  and  a half  centuries 
ago,  and  which  has  known  no  change  since.  The 
situation  is  grotesque  in  time  of  peace,  pitiable 
when  the  empire  needs  to  be  defended.  Let  the 
situation  at  Peking,  under  the  very  eye  of  the 
Emperor,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  Board  of 
War,  serve  at  once  as  illustration  and  proof. 

The  capital  is  situated  upon  an  alluvial  plain 
which  stretches  from  the  sea — the  Gulf  of  Pe- 
Chihli — to  the  “ Western  Hills,”  which  form  the 
flanks  of  a plateau.  It  is  distant  about  fifteen 
miles  from  these  hills,  and  there  are  no  elevations 
higher  than  grave  mounds  within  seven  or  eight 
miles  of  it.  The  city  is  only  about  one  hundred 
feet  above  sea  level.  It  is  one  hundred  and 
eleven  miles  from  the  sea  at  Taku,  and  eighty-five 
miles  from  Tientsin,  its  seaport  and  the  point 
nearest  to  it,  which  can  be  reached  by  vessels  of 
more  than  two  or  three  feet  draught.  Peking  is 
surrounded  by  a wall  some  thirty  miles  in  extent, 
seventy  feet  high,  sixty  feet  thick  at  the  top, 
and  more  than  eighty  feet  thick  at  the  ground 
level.  The  outer  and  inner  faces  are  about  four 
feet  in  thickness,  and  composed  of  mammoth 
brick  laid  in  pure  lime.  Centuries  of  time 
have  hardened  the  brick  to  the  consistency  of 
stone.  The  interior  of  the  wall  is  composed  of 
a mixture  of  loess  and  pure  lime  in  equal  parts, 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  121 


poured  in  wet,  and  rammed  down  as  it  hardened. 
It  is  strengthened,  at  intervals  of  one  hundred  and 
eighty  feet, with  deep  buttresses  uniform  in  height 
and  construction  with  the  wall  itself.  The  top  is 
paved  and  protected  by  a crenelated  parapet.  The 
main  city  wall  is  provided  with  nine  gates,  each 
of  which  is  defended  by  a half-circle  enceinte, 
and  surmounted  by  a tower,  loopholed  and  gal- 
leried.  The  provisions  for  defence  are  such  that 
assailants  of  each  outer  gate  are  themselves  liable 
to  be  assailed  upon  three  sides,  while  any  attack 
upon  an  inner  gate  can  be  defended  from  the 
front,  rear,  and  both  flanks.  Each  corner  of  the 
wall  is  protected  by  a tower  similar  to  those  at 
the  gates.  It  is  kept  throughout  in  a condi- 
tion of  good  repair.  A moat  of  no  importance 
encloses  the  whole.  The  water  supply  is  am- 
ple, furnished  by  innumerable  wells  scattered 
throughout  the  city.  The  food  supply  could  not 
readily  be  cut  off.  There  are  millions  of  bushels 
of  rice  permanently  stored  within  the  city,  and  re- 
newed each  year.  A still  larger  quantity  is  con- 
tained in  extensive  granaries  just  without  the 
walls,  and  could  be  brought  within  the  gates  in 
case  of  an  anticipated  siege.  There  are  no  exten- 
sive suburbs  without  the  city  to  furnish  cover  for 
attack  and  embarrass  the  defence. 

At  the  time  of  its  establishment  and  for  cen- 


122  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


turies  thereafter,  the  Chinese  capital  was  impreg- 
nable against  any  known  weapons  of  assault. 
And  with  all  the  modern  methods  and  appliances 
of  war,  high  military  authority  has  declared  that 
it  only  can  be  successfully  assailed  by  means  of 
mines  and  heavy  artillery. 

Peking  is  under  military  control  exclusively, 
Manchu.  The  “ Governor  of  the  Nine  Gates,” 
as  he  is  called,  is  a high  official,  and  generally  a 
member  of  the  Imperial  Clan,  or  family.  The 
police  are  Manchu  soldiers.  The  viceroy  of  the 
province  of  Chihli,  in  which  the  capital  is  situ- 
ated, is  forbidden  to  approach  within  ten  miles 
of  the  gates,  without  the  command  or  permission 
of  the  Emperor.  There  are  certainly  more  than 
a half  million  Manchus  living  in  the  city  of  Pe- 
king, and  in  suburban  villages,  or  cantonments 
near  at  hand.  They  have  resided  there  for  gen- 
erations, have  forgotten  their  native  tongue,  and 
have  become  genuine  Pekingese.  Under  a 
strictly  military  system,  they  are  divided,  first, 
under  eight  banners  or  flags,  each  being  in  com- 
mand of  a general.  Those  under  each  banner 
are  divided  into  groups  of  a thousand  families, 
each  group  being  governed  by  an  officer  called  a 
“ Chien  Shihhu,”  corresponding  in  rank  to  a 
colonel.  Each  group  of  a thousand  families  is 
divided  again  into  groups  of  one  hundred,  and 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  123 


each  of  these  is  under  control  of  a “ Po  Shihhu,” 
or  captain.  Last  of  all  is  a further  division  into 
groups  of  ten,  each  under  a “ Shih  Shihhu,”  or 
non-commissioned  officer.  Every  male  member 
of  each  of  these  families  who  is  within  the  mili- 
tary age  limit  is  liable  to  be  called  to  arms  for 
the  service  or  defence  of  the  throne.  And  one 
member  of  each  is  required  to  be  armed,  equipped, 
drilled,  to  report  for  inspection  and  military 
exercise  twice  in  each  month,  and,  in  general,  to 
consider  himself  as  on  duty. 

It  would  appear  to  a non-military  observer  that 
no  fatal  defects  could  be  found  in  this  system, 
and  that  the  Emperor  should  have  an  army  of  at 
least  100,000  men,  efficient  in  every  respect,  and 
ready  for  instant  service,  with  a possible  force  of 
at  least  that  number  in  reserve.  It  is  only  when 
one  turns  from  the  system  to  examine  the  prac- 
tice that  a most  amazing  state  of  facts  is  dis- 
covered. These  Manchu  soldiers  are  divided 
into  infantry  and  cavalry,  the  proportions  being 
of  no  importance,  as  each  is  more  inefficient  than 
the  other,  and  neither  of  any  service  beyond  that 
of  frightening  children.  They  are  armed  with 
bows  and  arrows,  spears,  matchlocks,  and  jingals. 
The  reader  will  find  a description  of  the  last- 
named  weapons  in  any  good  encyclopaedia.  The 
Manchu  boys  are  taught  archery  before  they  are 


124  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


of  age  to  enter  the  service.  But,  unfortunately, 
they  are  instructed  that  a threatening  posture  in 
drawing  the  bow  is  of  greater  importance  than 
accurate  aim  or  hitting  the  target.  And  this  is, 
substantially,  the  only  drill  they  ever  have.  There 
is  an  extensive  parade  and  evolution  ground  out- 
side the  north  wall  of  the  city.  It  is  generally 
deserted.  When  occupied,  the  exercise  is  only 
perfunctory  and  nominal,  serving  no  useful  pur- 
pose. There  is  no  exercise,  no  drill,  no  disci- 
pline, and  no  efficiency.  The  Chinese  have  many 
books  upon  the  theory  and  practice  of  war,  and  a 
work  entitled  “ The  Soldier’s  Manual,”  though 
antiquated,  is  excellent  in  many  ways.  Yet  in 
many  years’  residence  in  Peking,  and  much  asso- 
ciation with  the  defenders  of  the  city,  the  writer 
never  saw  a copy  of  it. 

An  examination  into  the  food  and  pay  of  these 
imperial  troops  subdues  all  amazement  at  their 
inefficiency,  and  discloses  a complicated  system 
of  fraud  and  theft  almost  surpassing  belief.  The 
infantry  soldier  is  entitled  to  receive  four  ounces 
of  refined  silver  bullion  each  month  and  a ration 
of  rice.  The  necessary  funds  for  full  payment 
are  regularly  issued  by  the  Treasury  Board.  The 
ration  is  collected,  as  a tax  in  kind,  in  the  rice- 
producing  provinces  of  the  empire,  and  trans- 
ported to  Peking  by  the  government.  It  is  so 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  125 


adulterated  in  quality  and  reduced  in  amount  be- 
tween the  public  granaries  and  the  private  soldier 
that  less  than  one-half  of  the  nominal  ration 
reaches  him.  His  pay  undergoes  a process  of 
sweating,  repeated  by  each  official  through  whose 
hands  it  passes,  so  effectual  that  he  receives  barely 
one-fourth  of  the  amount  which  is  his  due.  In 
1878,  the  average  amount  actually  paid  to  each 
soldier  in  Peking  was  nine-tenths  of  an  ounce  of 
silver.  In  other  words,  for  each  four  ounces 
issued  by  the  Treasury  for  the  pay  of  the  troops, 
three  and  one-tenth  ounces  were  stolen.  When  it 
is  understood  that  the  pay  and  ration  are  sup- 
posed to  cover  the  entire  needs  of  a family,  the 
resultant  distress  and  hardship  will  be  better 
understood.  A trifle  more  than  a dollar  in  gold 
and  a ration  insufficient  for  one  was  all,  in  that 
year,  that  intervened  between  a family,  averaging 
at  least  five  persons,  and  starvation ! But  the  Im- 
perial Treasury  suffers  at  other  hands  than  those 
of  its  official  servants.  The  entire  Manchu  popu- 
lation is  combined  for  a raid  upon  it.  The  names 
of  men,  dead  for  years,  are  still  upon  the  rolls 
drawing  pay  and  rations  by  proxy.  Small  chil- 
dren, even  infants  in  arms,  are  reported  as  able- 
bodied  veterans,  and  draw  pay  as  such.  Women 
do  a nominal  duty  in  the  ranks  and  receive  allow- 
ances for  soldiers  who  never  had  an  existence. 


126  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


There  are  neither  sides  nor  bottom  to  this  pit  of 
dishonesty  and  theft. 

The  results  are  such  as  might  be  expected. 
The  better  men  in  the  ranks  engage  in  some  petty 
traffic,  or  become  laborers,  in  order  to  maintain 
their  families  in  decency.  These  arrange  with 
substitutes  to  stand  in  the  ranks  for  them  when 
the  company  to  which  they  belong  is  ordered  to 
parade.  But  the  majority  of  these  soldiers,  too 
proud  to  work  and  too  unreliable  for  any  em- 
ployer, turn  from  one  expedient  to  another,  each 
more  hopeless  than  the  last.  Their  uniform, 
arms,  accoutrements  are  pawned.  Their  very 
pay  is  pawned,  and  the  rice  ration  sold  in  advance 
of  issue.  A dangerously  large  percentage  of 
them,  and  especially  of  the  petty  officers,  fall  vic- 
tims to  the  opium  habit.  Many  of  them  drink, 
gamble,  and  loaf  about,  a terror  to  quiet  people, 
a nuisance  and  a menace  to  the  city.  Yet,  to  this 
tatterdemalion  crowd,  without  effective  arms, 
without  drill  or  discipline,  without  courage  or 
energy — for  a half-starved  soldier  is  always  a 
coward — must  be  entrusted  the  defence  of  the 
Chinese  capital ! As  well  man  the  walls  with  the 
average  rabble  of  Chinese  small  boys,  who  con- 
duct a warfare  by  calling  names,  making  faces, 
and  throwing  stones ! When  one  sees  in  the  Pe- 
king Gazette  a declaration  from  the  throne  that 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  127 


“ the  Imperial  Capital  is  the  source  of  and  centre 
of  light  and  purity,”  he  realizes  that  bombast  has 
at  last  reached  its  limit. 

The  body  of  men  just  described,  with  similar 
but  smaller  detachments  maintained  in  a few  im- 
portant centres  throughout  the  empire,  comprises 
the  entire  Manchu  army,  and  embraces  all  sol- 
diers who  are  directly  enlisted  by  the  central  gov- 
ernment. In  describing  them,  the  worst  has 
probably  been  said  that  can  be  said  in  criticism  of 
the  Chinese  military  force.  In  point  of  fact,  the 
management  of  military  affairs  has  drifted  away 
from  Peking  altogether,  and  is  vested  in  certain 
high  provincial  authorities.  The  capital  is  re- 
moved from  the  seaboard,  little  or  none  of  the 
pressure  and  spur  of  danger  has  reached  it  in 
modern  times,  and  hence  the  condition  is  worse 
there  than  elsewhere  in  China,  excepting,  possi- 
bly, the  extreme  western  frontier. 

While  the  government  of  China  is  theoretically 
despotic,  there  is  a large  degree  of  flexibility  in 
its  administration.  This  is  notably  true  in  the 
relations  between  the  provinces  and  the  central 
authority.  There  is  nearly  as  much  independence 
and  freedom  of  action  granted  to  the  provincial 
governments  as  is  found  in  the  hands  of  the  state 
officials  in  America.  Perhaps  the  extreme  point 
in  this  freedom  from  imperial  control  is  to  be 


128  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


found  where  it  would  last  be  looked  for — in  the 
military  system.  Surely  in  no  other  country  ruled 
by  an  alien  race  can  there  be  found  a situation 
so  anomalous.  Nowhere  else  could  it  be  safely 
permitted.  But  in  China  is  seen  a Manchu  em- 
peror authorizing  the  viceroys  and  governors  of 
the  eighteen  provinces  to  levy,  arm  and  equip 
military  forces,  to  drill,  command  and  pay  them, 
thus  assuming  finally  authority  over  them  and 
pledging  their  loyalty  to  the  throne  only  by  in- 
ference. As  a large  majority  of  the  provincial 
authorities  are  Chinese,  the  alien  ruler  places  the 
final  power  of  defence,  both  of  the  empire  and  of 
his  authority,  in  the  hands  of  those  whom  he  has 
conquered  instead  of  retaining  it  within  his  own 
grasp. 

Aside  from  the  Manchu  soldiers  already  de- 
scribed, the  entire  military  force  of  the  empire 
is  provincial.  Each  viceroy  and  each  indepen- 
dent governor  has  his  own  army,  raised,  equipped, 
and  controlled  under  his  own  administration.  In 
other  words,  there  are  some  fifteen  different 
armies  in  China,  each  independent  of  all  the 
others,  and  all  owning  only  to  a nominal  loyalty 
to  the  throne. 

The  utter  impracticability  of  any  such  system 
is  patent  at  a glance.  There  is  no  uniformity  in 
the  point  of  efficiency,  equipment,  in  the  size  of 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  129 


the  forces,  or  in  any  other  direction.  In  the  sea- 
board provinces  and  in  those  lying  along  the 
lower  Yangtze  River  can  be  found  forces  well 
drilled  and  equipped,  well  fed  and  disciplined, 
good  soldiers  in  every  sense  of  the  term.  In 
other  provinces  are  to  be  seen  regiments,  so- 
called,  to  whom  no  injustice  would  be  done  by 
classing  them  even  below  the  Manchu  soldiers  at 
Peking.  No  general  description  is  possible. 
The  writer  has  seen  as  fine  a body  of  men  under 
arms  in  China — saving  only  the  lack  of  officers — 
as  can  be  found  elsewhere.  And  he  has  seen  a 
ragged,  disorderly  gang  of  men,  nominally  on 
parade,  each  armed  with  fan  and  umbrella,  one 
half  bearing  flags,  and  the  other  half  armed  indif- 
ferently with  matchlocks  and  spears. 

There  is  utter  lack  of  uniformity  in  the  arms 
and  ammunition  furnished  and  in  the  manoeu- 
vre. Lord  Charles  Beresford  declares  that  in 
his  visits  to  the  different  armies  in  the  Chinese 
provinces,  he  counted  fourteen  different  descrip- 
tions of  rifles  in  use,  ranging  from  the  most  mod- 
ern type  to  the  ancient  jingal.  In  many  instances, 
members  of  the  same  company  were  not  equipped 
with  the  same  style  of  weapon.  Under  such  con- 
ditions, any  joint  action  of  troops  from  different 
provinces  is  dangerous  and  impossible. 

While  the  forces,  thus  organized  and  con- 


i3o  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


trolled,  are  liable  to  be  summoned  to  duty  any- 
where within  the  empire,  there  is  not  infrequently 
opposition,  reaching  sometimes  to  open  mutiny, 
when  they  are  called  to  service  beyond  the  limits 
of  the  province  in  which  they  were  enlisted.  The 
clannish  spirit  operates  to  prevent  them  from 
working  well  with  troops  from  any  other  part  of 
China.  There  is  a question  as  to  which  province 
shall  meet  the  expenses  of  a force  thus  taken  be- 
yond the  limits  of  its  ordinary  sphere  of  action. 
More  than  once,  when  that  question  has  been 
raised,  the  soldiers  have  been  left,  unpaid  and  un- 
fed, to  find  their  way  in  straggling  bands  back 
to  their  native  province.  And  unoffending 
Chinese  along  their  route  have  suffered  more 
from  their  violence  and  ravages  than  from  the 
actual  horrors  of  war.  Broken  up  into  such  a 
number  of  independent  organizations,  the  Chi- 
nese army  cannot  do  efficient  police  duty.  Far 
less  can  it  suppress  insurrection  or  successfully 
defend  the  empire  from  invasion. 

It  is  a significant  fact  that  nearly  the  entire 
military  appropriations  in  China  during  the  past 
thirty  years  have  been  expended  upon  the  defence 
of  the  coast  and  the  lower  Yangtze  Valley. 
Two  general  officers  have  been  placed  by  the  Em- 
peror in  charge  of  the  work.  One  is  styled  “ The 
Northern  Superintendent  of  Coast  Defence,”  and 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  13 1 


has  his  headquarters  at  Tientsin.  The  other 
is  “ The  Southern  Superintendent  of  Coast  De- 
fence,” and  is  stationed  at  Nanking.  To  them  and 
to  two  or  three  viceroys  who  have  co-operated 
with  them  must  be  credited  whatever  attempts 
have  been  made  to  recast  the  Chinese  military  sys- 
tem, to  create  a navy,  to  place  both  in  a condition 
of  decent  efficiency,  and  thus  to  enable  their  coun- 
try to  resist  aggression,  and  hence  to  deserve  and 
demand  the  respect  of  other  powers.  Confucius 
taught  the  rulers  of  China  to  conquer  the  sur- 
rounding tribes  by  showing  them  a model  gov- 
ernment, in  which  case  their  enemies  would  vol- 
untarily do  them  homage  and  submit  to  their  con- 
trol. Undoubtedly  this  gentle  theory  was  of 
practical  force  in  ancient  times,  as  the  relations 
then  existing  between  the  Chinese  and  their 
neighbors  plainly  show.  But  the  leaders  of 
modern  thought  and  action  in  the  empire  have 
discovered  that  times  have  changed  and  that  the 
powers  of  to-day  only  respect  those  who  are  able 
to  defend  themselves  and  return  blow  for  blow. 
Even  had  they  the  good  government,  it  would 
have  no  more  influence  upon  Western  powers 
than  the  recitation  of  some  cradle  hymn  upon  a 
mad  bull.  Hence,  in  order  to  save  China  from 
becoming  public  plunder,  they  have  been  forced 
to  put  her  in  a posture  of  defence. 


132  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


The  notable  leader  in  this  effort  has  been  Li 
Hung  Chang.  For  many  years  he  had  direction 
of  the  northern  coast  defence  which  covered  di- 
rect approaches  to  the  capital.  This  fact,  his  suc- 
cessful military  experience,  and  his  recognized 
ability  and  character  as  a chief  among  men,  have 
properly  given  great  weight  to  his  opinions,  and, 
in  most  cases,  have  secured  the  adoption  of  his 
plans.  He  has  labored  under  the  most  over- 
whelming difficulties.  Some  of  his  equals  and 
superiors  in  rank  in  the  Chinese  Government  have 
virulently  opposed  him  from  personal  rivalry  and 
dislike.  Other  high  officials  have  interfered  with 
his  plans  from  motives  of  intense  conservatism, 
maintaining  that  the  weapons  used  in  the  days  of 
Confucius  could  not  be  improved  upon  to-day. 
Still  others,  bitterly  anti-foreign,  while  knowing 
well  that  the  main  purpose  of  all  his  efforts  was 
the  protection  of  their  common  country  against 
foreign  invasion,  yet  stupidly  ignoring  the  wise 
rule  to  “ fight  fire  with  fire,”  have  sought  to  cast 
odium  upon  him  for  adopting  foreign  methods 
and  spending  so  much  Chinese  money  for  foreign 
guns  and  ships.  During  all  the  years  of  his  ser- 
vice in  the  coast  defence,  he  labored  in  a perfect 
network  of  intrigue  and  opposition  along  these 
lines.  It  tells  much  for  his  sincerity  of  purpose 
and  power  with  the  Imperial  Government  that  he 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  133 


was  able  to  do  anything  against  such  a combina- 
tion of  hostile  influences. 

But  these  represent  only  a small  fraction  of  the 
difficulties  which  hedged  him  about.  Knowing 
no  foreign  tongue,  the  vast  amount  of  informa- 
tion which  he  needed  could  only  reach  him  fil- 
tered through  interpreters  or  translators.  It  is 
hardly  necessary  to  say  that  it  was  colored  fre- 
quently to  suit  the  purchased  preference  of  some 
subordinate.  There  was  a perennial  stream  of 
agents  coming  from  all  lands  and  the  islands  of 
the  sea,  all  bound  to  the  vice-regal  office  at  Tien- 
tsin. Men  with  guns  to  sell,  men  with  torpe- 
does to  sell,  men  with  ships  to  sell,  men  with  rifles 
to  sell,  men  with  revolvers  and  ammunition, 
and  swords  and  cavalry  equipments,  and  infan- 
try equipments,  and  artillery  equipments,  and 
medicines,  and  surgical  implements,  and  salve 
and  lint  and  bandages,  and  hospital  supplies,  and 
tents,  and  flags,  and  gunpowder  and  dynamite, 
men  with  all  the  crank  and  crazy  inventions  of  all 
ages,  men  with  patent  schemes  warranted  to  de- 
stroy a million  of  the  enemy  each  minute  of  time 
and  all  done  without  danger — to  the  inventor — 
all  these,  and  many  unenumerated,  hurried  to 
Tientsin.  Each  man’s  gun  was  the  best.  Each 
man’s  torpedo  was  the  only  reliable  instrument 
of  modern  warfare.  Each  man’s  ship  was  war- 


i34  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


ranted  to  outsail,  outfight,  and  outram  any  other 
ship  that  ever  floated  upon  the  water.  It  needed 
neither  sailors  nor  soldiers  to  man  it.  It  was 
self-operative,  and  carried  automatic  death  to  all 
enemies  of  China. 

And  the  unfortunate  Northern  Superintend- 
ent of  Coast  Defence  knew  nothing  of  the  com- 
parative merits  or  virtues  of  any  of  these  mar- 
vellous appliances  of  modern  war.  The  agents 
made  friends  of  his  subordinates  and  interpre- 
ters. They  bribed  clerks  and  doorkeepers.  They 
interviewed  his  cook  and  flattered  his  barber. 
They  sought  consular  and  even  diplomatic  assist- 
ance. They  expended  money,  in  the  more  deli- 
cate way,  by  making  costly  presents,  and  in  the 
more  direct  and  grosser  form  of  bribery — all  of 
which  was  eventually  to  be  included  and  recouped 
in  the  price.  And  in  this  same  way,  pledges  of 
extravagant  commissions  were  made  to  persons 
having  access  to  and  influence  with  His  Excel- 
lency, contingent  upon  successful  negotiation. 
The  result  of  which  was  to  increase  the  cost  to 
China  of  articles  purchased  far  beyond  the  proper 
limit,  and  to  teach  new  forms  of  dishonesty  to 
those  sufficiently  well  versed  in  the  practice. 
When  it  was  found  impossible  to  effect  a sale  at  a 
price  thus  exaggerated,  lower  terms  were  ac- 
cepted, and  inferior  and  discarded  articles  were 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  135 


substituted  for  those  which  had  passed  a govern- 
ment test,  as  required  by  contract.  And  this  was 
sometimes  done  even  without  that  excuse.  Upon 
one  occasion  a number  of  guns  were  ordered  from 
Europe,  through  an  agent  at  Tientsin,  for  the 
armament  of  the  forts  at  Taku.  In  due  time 
they  arrived  and  were  placed  in  position.  Upon 
being  fired  for  the  first  time,  three  of  them  ex- 
ploded in  succession,  killing  a number  of  soldiers 
and  wounding  many  others.  A close  examina- 
tion by  a foreign  expert  disclosed  the  fact  that 
not  one  of  the  guns  was  properly  constructed  or 
could  be  used  with  safety.  A large  quantity  of 
discarded  and  condemned  rifles  were  sold  to  the 
Chinese  Government  at  prices  which  would  be 
extravagant  for  the  best  and  most  modern  arm. 
This  was  accomplished  sometimes  through  the 
cupidity  of  petty  military  officers,  but  more  often 
through  their  ignorance. 

Still  other  difficulties  arose  from  the  lack  of 
officers  and  men  familiar  with  modern  weapons, 
and  competent  to  care  for  and  use  them  when 
purchased.  In  some  cases,  expensive  military 
machines  were  wantonly  rendered  worthless  by 
petty  officials,  who  had  either  not  been  bribed  by 
the  agent  who  sold  them  or  had  been  “ seen  ” by 
a rival  agent.  But  in  the  great  majority  of  in- 
stances, ignorance,  carelessness,  and  neglect  were 


136  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


thus  responsible  for  the  destruction  of  large 
quantities  of  expensive  government  property. 
Viceroy  Li  was  continually  listening  to  the  ur- 
gent advice  of  diplomatic  and  consular  officials, 
sometimes  disinterested  and  sometimes  not,  upon 
the  importance  of  procuring  modern  arms;  the 
agent  body  brought  an  intense  pressure  upon  him 
to  purchase;  large  funds  were  in  hand  for  that 
purpose;  the  imperial  authorities  were  eager  to 
see  something  done  to  protect  the  coast  near  Pe- 
king ; and  his  own  anxieties  lay  in  the  same  direc- 
tion. Under  such  combination  of  pressure,  it  is 
not  to  be  wondered  at  that  he  should  have  made 
extensive  purchases  of  war  material,  overlooking 
the  fact,  peculiarly  true  of  modern  arms,  that 
officers  and  men,  trained  and  skilful  in  the  use 
and  care  of  weapons  and  war  material,  should 
first  be  provided. 

But  just  there  lay  the  crucial  point  of  the  entire 
business  of  recreating  a Chinese  army  and  navy. 
So  long  as  her  supply  of  funds  lasted,  China 
could  purchase  anything  needed  for  either.  The 
whole  civilized  world  was  eager  to  supply  her. 
But  she  could  not  purchase  trained  officers  and 
disciplined  soldiers  in  any  market.  They  must 
be  bred  and  educated  in  China,  raised  from 
among  her  own  people.  There  was  no  lack  of 
consideration  of  this  branch  of  his  task  on  the 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  137 


part  of  Viceroy  Li.  It  was  this  that  led  him,  in 
co-operation  with  the  Southern  Superintendent 
of  Coast  Defence,  to  adopt  a plan  proposed  by 
Yung  Wing  of  sending  a considerable  number  of 
Chinese  boys  to  the  United  States  for  education. 
One  hundred  and  twenty  boys  from  middle-class 
families,  averaging  about  nine  years  of  age,  were 
thus  sent,  under  suitable  control  and  care.  The 
important  purpose  of  this  educational  mission,  as 
it  was  called,  was,  after  the  necessary  preliminary 
studies  had  been  passed,  to  select  the  most  tal- 
ented among  the  students,  and  divide  them  be- 
tween the  government  academies  at  West  Point 
and  Annapolis.  In  this  way  it  was  hoped  that 
thirty  or  forty  trained  military  officers  and  an 
equal  number  of  naval  officers  would  be  secured. 
The  scheme  was  most  carefully  devised,  was  pur 
into  operation  in  1872,  and,  up  to  a certain  point, 
was  remarkably  successful.  No  equal  number  of 
students  from  any  part  of  the  world,  sent  abroad 
at  such  an  age  and  under  the  same  conditions, 
would  have  made  a higher  record  than  did  these 
proteges  of  the  Chinese  Government. 

While  this  plan  was  in  operation,  Viceroy  Li 
requested  an  eminent  military  officer  to  draft  a 
detailed  plan  for  a military  school  for  China.  The 
request  was  provisionally  granted,  but  on  the 
necessary  reference  being  made  by  the  officer  to 


138  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


his  own  government,  he  received  a mild  rebuke, 
with  the  added  remark  that  it  was  the  wish  of  that 
power  “ to  aid  the  Chinese  only  in  the  peaceable 
pursuits  of  commerce.”  In  1878,  when  certain  of 
the  Chinese  students  were  qualified  to  enter  West 
Point  or  Annapolis,  the  government  made  re- 
quest of  the  proper  authorities  at  Washington  for 
their  admission.  But  the  question  of  Chinese 
immigration  was  creeping  into  politics  upon  the 
Pacific  Coast,  the  two  great  parties  were  some- 
what closely  balanced  throughout  the  country, 
and  no  official  in  Washington  was  found  ready 
to  secure  that  action  by  Congress,  without  which 
aliens  cannot  be  admitted  to  those  academies. 
This  was  peculiarly  unfortunate  in  its  effect  upon 
the  Chinese,  as  Japanese  students  were  known  to 
be  pursuing  their  studies  in  the  Naval  Academy 
at  that  time.  After  renewing  their  request  at  in- 
tervals for  three  years,  the  Chinese  authorities 
abandoned  the  scheme,  and  recalled  the  students 
to  their  native  land. 

Efforts  made  to  secure  foreign  instructors  for 
military  or  naval  schools  in  China  can  hardly  be 
said  to  have  resulted  more  successfully.  And 
the  cause  of  failure  has  not  been  always,  or  en- 
tirely, with  the  Chinese.  The  difficulties  in  the 
way  of  success  have  been  very  great.  It  is  al- 
most impossible  to  communicate  instruction,  es- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  139 


pecially  of  any  technical  sort,  by  means  of  an 
interpreter.  Yet  instructors  who  knew  Chinese 
were  unobtainable,  and  there  were  practically  no 
students  in  the  empire  who  were  familiar  with 
any  foreign  tongue.  Nor  were  there  any  mod- 
ern military  or  naval  text-books  in  Chinese. 

There  were  other  and  unnecessary  difficulties 
preliminary  to  these.  There  were  rivalry  and 
competition,  intriguery  and  wire-pulling,  arising 
in  some  cases  to  the  dignity  of  diplomatic  corre- 
spondence, on  the  part  of  European  governments 
represented  at  Peking,  each  eager  to  secure  for 
some  native  of  its  own  country  any  prominent 
or  influential  position  which  the  viceroy  proposed 
to  fill  with  a foreigner.  Though  not  in  the  mili- 
tary or  naval  service,  the  position  of  Inspector- 
General  of  Customs,  filled  so  long  and  with  such 
distinguished  ability  by  Sir  Robert  Hart,  may 
well  furnish  an  example.  For  the  past  fifteen 
years,  the  question  of  his  successor  has  been  the 
foundation  of  almost  continuous  squabbles — they 
deserve  no  better  word — to  the  great  embarrass- 
ment and  annoyance  of  the  Chinese  Government. 
Great  Britain  demands  that  the  post  be  filled  by 
a British  subject,  Russia  claims  it,  Germany  has 
a candidate,  and  France  gestures  in  the  back- 
ground. What  China  may  prefer  receives  no 
consideration.  The  proceeding  resembles  far 


1 4o  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


more  closely  the  struggle  between  the  heirs  of  a 
dead  person  over  the  appointment  of  an  adminis- 
trator to  his  estate  than  the  selection  of  some 
competent  person  whose  sole  aim  should  be  to 
render  loyal  service  to  the  government  which  em- 
ploys him.  Intrigue  does  not  cease  when  any 
appointment  of  a foreigner  has  been  made. 
Petty  Chinese  officials  combine  to  thwart  his 
plans  and  prevent  his  success.  And  these  have, 
on  too  many  occasions,  received  foreign  assist- 
ance. 

Foreign  appointees  have  sometimes  reached 
their  posts  of  duty  with  the  most  grossly  exag- 
gerated ideas  of  the  importance  of  their  positions, 
ideas  quite  unwarranted  by  the  terms  of  contract 
or  by  any  statements  made  to  them.  They  have 
assumed  the  right  to  decide  from  whom  they 
would  consent  to  receive  orders,  and  to  judge  for 
themselves  whether  orders,  even  when  thus  re- 
ceived, should  or  should  not  be  obeyed.  It  is 
hardly  necessary  to  say  that  the  employment  of 
such  men  has  always  ended  in  disastrous  failure. 
Some  years  ago  Viceroy  Li  engaged  two  foreign 
military  officers  as  instructors  at  Tientsin.  They 
were  under  contract  for  a term  of  five  years,  at 
salaries  far  larger  than  any  sum  they  had  ever 
received  before,  their  expenses  to  and  from  China 
being  also  allowed  them.  One  had  only  seen  so 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  141 


much  military  service  as  would  come  within  the 
knowledge  of  an  assistant  paymaster  of  troops. 
The  other  had  obtained  the  rank  of  lieutenant  in 
the  armies  of  his  country,  had  been  invited  to 
resign  therefrom,  and,  at  the  time  of  making  his 
Chinese  engagement,  was  conducting  a small 
manufactory  of  cigarettes.  When  these  gentle- 
men reached  Tientsin,  they  declined  to  receive 
orders  from  any  other  authority  than  Viceroy  Li, 
and  claimed  military  rank  next  to  him.  After 
wasting  eighteen  months  in  argument  and  en- 
treaty, during  which  time  they  performed  no 
duty  but  that  of  receiving  their  monthly  salaries, 
a proposition  was  submitted  to  them  that  they 
cancel  their  contracts  and  return  home  upon  re- 
ceipt of  full  pay  for  half  the  time  specified,  and 
travelling  expenses  each  way.  They  declined. 
They  would  only  return  home  upon  receipt  of 
their  salaries  for  the  full  term  of  five  years,  and 
the  expenses  of  the  journey.  They  were  sus- 
tained in  this  position  by  their  diplomatic  and 
consular  authorities,  to  whom  appeal  was  made 
by  the  Chinese.  And  in  this  manner  their  en- 
gagement was  finally  ended. 

Upon  the  close  of  the  war  between  China  and 
Japan,  the  Southern  Superintendent  of  Coast 
Defence  engaged  a number  of  German  officers  as 
instructors  and  organizers  of  a military  force  at 


i42  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


Nanking.  They  too  were  under  contract  for  a 
term  of  years  at  far  higher  rates  of  compensation 
than  they  had  ever  received  before.  Only  one  or 
two  of  them  had  held  official  rank  in  the  German 
army.  The  remainder  had  held  only  petty  rank, 
and  were  of  no  value  excepting  as  drill-masters. 
They  were  under  no  subordination  among  them- 
selves, each  having  been  engaged  independently 
and  owing  no  obedience  to  the  others.  From  the 
time  of  their  arrival  at  Nanking  they  lived  in  a 
condition  of  almost  chronic  drunkenness,  were 
seldom  fit  for  any  duty,  and  continually  insulted 
and  abused  peaceable  Chinese  upon  the  public 
streets.  Popular  feeling  was  excited  against 
them  by  this  conduct,  and  when  they  broke  open 
private  residences,  and  attempted  assault  upon 
Chinese  wives  and  mothers,  they  were  attacked  by 
a mob  and  narrowly  escaped  the  death  they  fully 
deserved.  These  are  the  facts  of  the  “ ferocious 
assault  upon  German  officers  by  a Chinese  mob,” 
so  widely  heralded  throughout  America  and  Eu- 
rope at  the  time.  And  the  viceroy  at  Nanking 
rid  himself  of  his  German  employes  with  as  little 
pecuniary  loss  to  the  government  and  as  little 
noise  as  possible. 

Meshed  in  such  an  entanglement  of  envy,  ig- 
norance, superstition,  antique  ideas,  impractica- 
ble theories,  open  and  concealed  treachery,  bribe 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  143 


giving  and  taking,  conflicting  interests  and  inter- 
ested counsel,  without  reliable  means  of  access  to 
necessary  knowledge,  without  skilled  advisers  or 
subordinates  among  his  own  people,  the  only 
wonder  is  that  the  efforts  of  Viceroy  Li  resulted 
in  anything  other  than  unqualified  failure.  Yet 
he  accomplished  much  of  practical  value  to  China 
in  military  and  naval  matters,  and  much  in  many 
other  directions  not  to  be  noticed  here.  Those 
who  admire  genius,  ability,  and  tenacity  of  pur- 
pose may  well  bow  to  the  great  Chinese  viceroy 
as  one  of  the  world’s  heroes. 

Prior  to  1862  China  had  no  navy.  A few 
small  and  unwieldy  junks,  intended  only  for 
coast  duty,  equipped  with  small  cast-iron  guns, 
dangerous  only  to  the  sailors  on  board,  and  not 
even  able  to  run  away  with  a fair  rate  of  speed — ■ 
these,  and  a host  of  small  river  craft  propelled  by 
oars,  and  mounting  one  cast-iron  gun  each,  in- 
tended for  the  suppression  of  piracy  and  smug- 
gling, completed  the  list  of  her  vessels  of  war. 
In  the  year  named,  the  Peking  authorities  decided 
to  procure  two  or  three  modern  ships  as  the  be- 
ginning of  a new  navy.  And  the  experience  to 
which  they  were  subjected,  at  the  very  outset  of 
their  efforts  to  provide  means  of  defence  upon  the 
high  seas,  falls  into  place  here.  To  accomplish 
this  purpose  they  sent  Mr.  Horatio  N.  Lay,  for- 


i44  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


rnerly  a British  consular  officer,  but  then  in  the 
employ  of  the  Chinese  customs,  to  England  as 
their  agent,  with  the  necessary  instructions  and 
funds.  It  soon  became  evident  that  Mr.  Lay  had 
ideas  of  his  own.  He  notified  the  Chinese  au- 
thorities that  he  had  fixed  upon  a national  ensign 
for  the  new  navy,  that  it  was  to  be  “ a green  flag, 
bearing  a yellow  diagonal  cross.”  And  he  re- 
quested that  the  Emperor  issue  a decree  to  that 
effect  in  the  Peking  Gazette.  Prince  Kung,  then 
regent  of  the  empire,  notified  Mr.  Lay  that  the 
Chinese  ensign  would  be  “ of  yellow  ground, 
and  on  it  will  be  designed  a dragon  with  his 
head  toward  the  upper  part  of  the  flag.” 

Mr.  Lay  returned  to  China  with  the  new  fleet 
in  the  early  summer  of  1863.  It  then  appeared 
that,  instead  of  securing  the  two  or  three  ships  as 
directed,  he  had  purchased  seven  men-of-war  and 
a store-ship.  They  were  manned  throughout  with 
British  officers  and  crews,  all  engaged  at  high 
wages  for  the  new  Chinese  navy.  As  commo- 
dore of  the  fleet,  Captain  Sherrard  Osborne  had 
been  commissioned.  And  an  exceedingly  inter- 
esting agreement  had  been  entered  upon  between 
the  commodore  and  Mr.  Lay,  under  the  terms  of 
which  the  former  was  to  obey  no  orders  received 
from  any  other  authority  than  the  Emperor  of 
China,  which  orders  to  be  valid  must  be  counter- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  145 


signed  by  the  latter.  And  Mr.  Lay,  upon  his 
part,  promised  and  agreed  to  countersign  no  or- 
ders unless  they  appeared  to  him  “ to  be  reason- 
able ” ! It  hardly  seems  possible,  but  there  were 
those  who  held  that  China  should  be  forced  to 
accept  and  pay  for  this  fleet,  and  employ  it  sub- 
ject to  these  terms  and  conditions.  She  declined 
to  do  either.  And  thanks  to  the  good  sense  of 
the  British  Minister  and  the  good  offices  of  the 
United  States  representative,  the  officers  and 
crews  were  sent  home  to  England  and  the  vessels 
disposed  of.  Mr.  Lay  did  not  continue  in  the 
service  of  the  Chinese  Government. 

It  is  a serious  mistake  to  suppose  that  the 
Chinaman  lacks  the  qualities  which  make  a good 
soldier.  He  is  sober,  obedient,  doggedly  persist- 
ent, and  easily  controlled.  He  possesses  much 
of  that  fatalism  which  made  the  soldiers  of  Ma- 
homet so  reckless  of  danger.  The  Chinese  sol- 
dier has  proved  his  courage  upon  so  many  occa- 
sions, that  it  should  be  questioned  no  longer. 
Always  called  upon  in  modern  times  to  face 
modern  repeating  rifles  and  Maxim  guns,  armed 
with  matchlocks  and  spears,  or  with  modern  arms 
in  the  use  of  which  he  had  not  been  trained,  fur- 
nished not  infrequently  with  ammunition  fitted 
to  another  weapon  than  that  which  he  carried, 
without  officers  competent  to  lead,  half  fed, 


i46  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


clothed  in  rags,  undisciplined,  he  still  has  given 
many  examples  of  splendid  bravery.  Well  fed, 
well  clothed,  well  disciplined  and  well  led,  the 
Chinese  soldier  will  prove  himself  entirely  com- 
petent and  ready  to  protect  his  native  land.  And, 
other  things  being  equal,  if  the  ratio  of  fighting 
men  to  the  total  population  is  the  same  in  China 
as  in  the  United  States,  she  is  able  to  put  60,000,- 
000  of  men  into  the  field. 

But,  in  addition  to  fatal  defects  of  organization 
and  administration  already  pointed  out,  there  are 
no  skilled  officers  in  either  the  military  or  naval 
branch  of  the  service.  Until  these  are  trained, 
and  have  trained  their  men,  any  efficient  defence 
of  the  empire  is  impossible.  To  those  who  knew 
the  man,  the  last  days  of  brave  old  Admiral  Ting, 
of  the  Chinese  navy,  make  a most  pathetic 
picture,  and  furnish  proof  of  what  has  just 
been  said.  Able,  conscientious,  and  patriotic,  he 
knew  little  of  modern  naval  warfare  beyond  what 
had  come  to  him  by  practical  experience,  after  he 
was  past  middle  life.  He  knew  the  tremendous 
power  of  the  fleet  placed  under  his  command  dur- 
ing the  war  with  Japan.  And  he  knew  that  he 
did  not  know  how  to  bring  that  power  into  full 
effect  against  the  enemy.  He  knew  that  his  men 
would  fight,  but  that  he  did  not  know  how  to  use 
them.  Under  the  stress  of  these  feelings,  and  as 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  147 


he  was  on  the  point  of  leaving  Wei  Hai  Wei  to 
engage  once  more  in  battle,  he  received  a 
cowardly  order  from  Peking  to  remain  in  harbor. 
Then  he  took  his  own  life. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  MISSIONARY. 

Among  the  varied  forces  operating  in  China 
like  yeast  in  flour,  the  Christian  missionary  must 
be  given  a prominent  position.  And,  for  the  pur- 
poses of  this  volume,  the  material,  intellectual, 
and  moral  effects  of  his  presence  and  teaching 
must  be  kept  clearly  in  mind,  as  well  as  those 
which  are  purely  religious. 

Much  hostile  comment  upon  their  work  is  rife 
in  so-called  Christian  lands — more  perhaps  than 
among  the  Chinese  themselves.  Some  of  these 
criticisms  are  flippant  and  malicious.  They 
come  from  a class  of  foreigners — small  it  is  to  be 
hoped — whose  lives  and  business  constitute  a 
menace  to  society  and  a reproach  to  civilization. 
Naturally  they  do  not  love  the  missionaries,  for 
the  labors  of  the  latter  are  not  likely  to  increase 
the  sales  of  opium  and  ardent  spirits  among  the 
Chinese,  or  to  prosper  any  other  forms  of  vice. 
The  comments  of  these  gentlemen  deserve  but 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  149 


slight  notice.  The  Chinese  question  does  not 
furnish  the  first  occasion  in  which  the  wolf  has 
accused  the  lamb  of  roiling  the  water,  nor  is  it 
likely  to  be  the  last. 

Another  class  of  objectors  to  the  presence  of 
the  missionary  in  China  deserve  more  serious 
consideration.  Some  among  them  insist  that  the 
missionary  is  ahead  of  his  time,  and  hence  out 
of  place  in  China.  They  argue  that  modern 
civilization  and  commerce  should  first  be  allowed 
to  do  their  work,  and  then  the  missionary  might 
follow  and  reap  his  harvest.  Just  how  much 
might  be  left  for  him  to  glean  and  to  garner  after 
these  two  forces  had  done  their  work,  the  advo- 
cates of  the  policy  have,  perhaps,  not  seriously 
considered.  With  opium  as  the  chief  corner- 
stone upon  which  the  fabric  of  British  commerce 
in  China  has  been  builded ; with  an  eager,  selfish 
spirit  of  money-getting,  ready  to  pander  to  every 
native  vice,  and  to  import  even  grosser  vices 
from  abroad  so  long  as  the  Chinese  can  pay 
the  bill;  with  object  lessons  in  drunkenness, 
gambling,  and  adultery,  found  thick  in  every 
centre  of  foreign  trade  in  China,  the  question 
may  well  be  raised  and  repeated : What  would  be 
left  for  the  missionary  to  gather  after  a non- 
christian  civilization  and  an  unchristian  com- 
merce had  done  their  work  and  reaped  their  har- 


1 5o  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


vest?  That  the  Christian  missionary  invariably 
finds  his  best  field  and  greatest  success  in  interior 
districts,  where  the  presence  and  habits  of  some 
commercial  foreigners  have  not  prejudiced  the 
Chinese  against  everything  from  abroad,  is  a 
humiliating  fact.  But  it  furnishes  an  answer, 
final  and  destructive,  to  the  theory  above  men- 
tioned. 

The  Chinese,  as  a nation,  possess  a high  stand- 
ard of  morals.  Whether  they  invariably  live 
up  to  it  is  a question  not  pertinent  to  the  ar- 
gument. They  measure  foreigners  by  it,  at  least, 
as  closely  as  themselves.  That  distinguished 
Englishman,  Burke,  wrote : “ Our  manners,  our 
civilization,  and  all  the  good  things  connected 
with  manners  and  with  civilization,  have,  in  this 
European  world  of  ours,  depended  for  ages  upon 
two  principles : the  spirit  of  a gentleman  and  the 
spirit  of  religion.”  Which  is  to  say  that  the 
highest  type  and  most  perfect  product  of  true 
civilization  is  a Christian  gentleman.  And  the 
commercial  exponent  of  true  Western  civilization 
and  the  Christian  teacher  must  work  together. 
Nothing  can  be  more  preposterously  untrue  than 
the  assertion  of  a prominent  English  writer,  who, 
speaking  of  the  missionaries  in  China,  says : 
“ But  with  their  lives  they  risk  the  cause  of  civili- 
zation.” Scarcely  less  absurd  is  his  declaration 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  151 


that  “ the  manner  in  which  the  missionaries  have 
been  smuggled  into  the  country  against  the  will 
of  the  people,  and  the  injudicious  methods  by 
which  they  have  sought  to  establish  their  religion, 
are  mainly  responsible  for  the  anti-foreign  feel- 
ing which  is  so  subversive  of  our  (British)  in- 
terests in  the  Far  East.”  The  same  writer 
glosses  over  and  excuses  the  hideous  opium  traf- 
fic, as  being  the  scapegoat  for  other  events.  But 
these  questions  will  receive  notice  in  other  por- 
tions of  this  volume. 

It  is,  however,  desirable  to  notice  here  one 
other  sweeping  assertion  made  by  this  same 
authority.  He  attributes  all  the  absurd  stories 
of  the  immorality  of  foreigners,  and  missionaries 
especially,  to  the  fact  that  large  numbers  of 
young  women  have  been  sent  out  to  labor  among 
their  own  sex  in  China,  and  that  they  travel 
around  under  the  escort  of  a man.  Then  he 
adds : “ In  the  opinion  of  the  Chinese,  the  proper 
place  for  women  is  the  domestic  hearth,  and  no 
good  is  likely  to  come  of  taking  her  out  of  her 
sphere — a lesson  which  the  men  of  the  West  are 
learning  by  bitter  experience.”  Fortunately  this 
gentleman  is  an  Englishman!  The  writer  will 
yield  to  none  in  urging  that  the  missionary  should 
pay  a decent  regard  to  the  customs  and  prejudices 
of  the  people  among  whom  he  labors.  Much  of 


152  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


his  success  depends  upon  his  doing  so,  and  possi- 
bly sufficient  care  is  not  always  exercised  upon 
this  point.  But  the  very  sweeping  statements 
made  in  the  paragraph  from  which  this  criticism 
is  taken  affect  all  foreigners  who  may  be  in 
China.  And  if  the  ideas  of  the  gentleman  were 
followed,  each  foreign  home  in  that  empire  must 
be  transformed  into  a harem,  or  all  wives  and 
other  foreign  ladies  must  be  sent  out  of  the  coun- 
try. 

It  is  unquestionably  true  that  very  mistaken 
notions  and  ideas  are  entertained  by  the  Chinese 
when  they  first  see  the  free  and  friendly  manner 
in  which  Americans  and  Europeans  of  the  two 
sexes  associate.  But  the  Chinese  are  not  stupid 
nor  slow  to  discover  facts  and  draw  correct  in- 
ferences. And  when  a little  time  has  passed  and 
these  same  Chinese  see  that  no  evil  nor  immoral 
results  have  come;  that  these  single  women  are 
neither  bawds  nor  concubines,  but  lead  lives  of 
the  highest  morality;  that  the  wives  are  equally 
intelligent  with  their  husbands,  their  companions 
and  advisers,  instead  of  playthings  and  servants; 
then  these  same  Chinese  admit  a new  idea,  and 
the  change  needed  more  than  any  other  in  China, 
the  elevation  of  woman,  begins  to  work  in  their 
minds.  If  the  missionaries  in  that  vast  empire 
had  accomplished  nothing  more  during  the  half 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  153 


century  past  than  to  furnish  object  lessons  of  the 
true  position  of  woman,  and  the  highest  type  of 
Christian  homes,  that  result  alone  would  justify 
their  presence  in  China  and  the  money  invested 
in  the  enterprise. 

In  the  course  of  a long  conversation  with  a 
high  Chinese  official,  whose  name  need  not  be 
mentioned,  upon  the  broad  differences  between 
the  ideas  and  customs  of  the  East  and  the  West, 
that  official  said  to  the  writer : “ In  one  matter 
you  are  unquestionably  right  and  we  are  alto- 
gether wrong.  We  treat  our  wives  and  daugh- 
ters as  though  they  were  animals,  rather  than 
human  beings;  you  make  no  discrimination  be- 
tween your  sons  and  your  daughters,  giving 
both  the  same  treatment  and  the  same  education. 
Of  course,  China  cannot  produce  able  and  pro- 
gressive men  when  the  mothers  have,  for  many 
hundred  years,  been  kept  stupid  and  without  any 
education.  I believed  as  every  other  Chinaman 
did  about  women,  until  I met  some  of  your  for- 
eign ladies  and  saw  your  homes.  Then  I knew 
that  upon  ^at  point  we  were  all  wrong,  and  I saw 
that  China  would  never  change  for  the  better  un- 
til the  mothers  were  educated  and  intelligent.  In 
that  matter  I have  adopted  the  foreign  custom. 
I have  three  sons  and  two  daughters,  and  I give 
the  latter  exactly  the  same  treatment  and  the 


i54  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


same  education  as  the  former.  In  that  you  are 
right  and  we  are  wrong.  But  I am  obliged  to 
use  great  caution  and  to  conceal  the  fact  that  my 
daughters  are  being  schooled.  Were  it  known, 
I should  be  accused  of  following  a foreign  cus- 
tom, which  would  cause  me  serious  trouble,  and 
might  result  in  the  loss  of  my  rank  and  official 
position.” 

Work  among  the  Chinese  women,  whether 
educational,  medical,  social,  or  religious,  can  only 
be  done  by  persons  of  their  own  sex.  The  criti- 
cism of  and  opposition  to  the  presence  of  female 
missionaries  in  China,  made  by  persons  solely  in- 
terested in  the  development  of  commerce  there, 
are  short-sighted  even  from  their  own  standpoint, 
and  in  view  of  their  own  interests.  In  point  of 
fact,  the  entire  missionary  body  is  a most  valu- 
able ally  to  every  form  of  legitimate  foreign 
trade.  While  their  purpose  is  religious,  they  are, 
unconsciously  perhaps,  yet  of  necessity,  true,  un- 
paid “ commercial  agents.”  They  speak  the  lan- 
guage, which  is  never  the  fact  with  merchants; 
they  penetrate  and  reside  in  interior  districts 
which  the  merchant  never  reaches;  their  houses 
and  contents,  their  clothing,  utensils  and  ap- 
pliances of  every  sort,  constitute,  at  each  mission 
station,  and  as  they  travel,  a miniature  exposition 
of  the  thousand  and  one  conveniences  and  com- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  155 


forts  which  foreigners  possess  and  which  they 
lack.  Wonder  gives  place  to  admiration,  ad- 
miration to  the  desire  to  possess.  Millions  of  the 
natives  of  China  never  knew  how  uncomfortable 
they  were,  how  much  they  lacked,  until  brought 
thus  to  compare  their  crude  inventions  and 
clumsy  appliances  with  the  immeasurably  supe- 
rior articles  brought  into  their  midst  by  the  mis- 
sionaries. Before  any  man  can  be  elevated,  he 
must  first  be  made  discontented.  As  the  agent 
of  a wholesome  discontent,  the  missionary  is  an 
invaluable  aid  to  commerce.  He  probably  brings 
far  more  customers  to  the  foreign  merchant  than 
converts  to  his  own  system  of  faith,  however  suc- 
cessful he  may  be  in  his  direct  work. 

It  is  far  too  commonly  believed  that  mission- 
aries are  at  once  the  main  cause  and  the  special 
object  of  the  anti-foreign  feeling,  so  universal 
and  so  intense  throughout  China.  The  facts  sus- 
tain no  such  belief.  Missionaries,  as  such,  have 
had  little  to  do  with  this  bitter  and  persistent  hos- 
tility to  foreigners  among  the  Chinese.  They 
have  suffered  heavily  from  it,  but  it  is  not  of  their 
creation.  Christianity  is  objected  to,  not  so 
much  because  it  is  Christianity  as  because  it  is  a 
Western  religion.  And  those  who  preach  it  are 
objectionable  to  the  Chinese,  not  as  preachers  of 
a new  faith,  but  as  foreigners.  What  is  the  real 


156  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


root  of  this  anti-foreign  feeling  may  be  pointed 
out  later  on.  But  it  is  not  to  be  found  in  the 
calling,  conduct,  or  labors  of  the  missionary.  In 
cases  where  the  feeling  appears  to  be  peculiarly 
directed  against  this  class,  investigation  will  in- 
variably develop  the  fact  that  their  religious  call- 
ing is  believed  to  be  a mere  cloak,  and  that  they 
are  really  secret  foreign  political  agents.  While 
this  whole  question  has  been  put  wrong  end  fore- 
most most  industriously,  there  can  be  no  mistake 
as  to  the  facts.  Any  person  who  has  moved 
familiarly  among  all  classes  of  the  Chinese,  and 
conversed  with  them  in  their  own  tongue,  must 
know  that  this  is  true. 

Naturally  the  literati  are  not  friendly  to  the 
missionaries.  The  latter  represent  new  ideas,  a 
new  education,  and  a new  national  life,  each  of 
which  is  inimical  to  their  pretensions.  They  hate 
them  as  foreigners,  and  especially  as  the  class  of 
foreigners  whose  labors  threaten  most  directly  the 
ascendency  of  their  influence  over  China.  So  far 
as  the  Christian  religion  is  concerned,  the  feeling 
of  the  literati  is  merely  one  of  utter  indifference. 
This  was  most  plainly  shown  in  the  Parliament 
of  Religions  held  in  connection  with  the  Co- 
lumbian Exposition  at  Chicago  in  1893.  Pung 
Kwang  Yu,  a commissioner  from  China  and  a 
distinguished  Confucianist,  was  requested  to  rep- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  157 


resent  and  expound  his  faith  in  the  Parliament. 
In  the  conclusion  of  his  statements,  which  cover 
some  seventy  pages  of  closely  printed  matter,  he 
said : “ As  I have  said  before,  the  progress  of 
Christianity  does  not  concern  Confucianists  in 
the  least.”  A very  large  proportion  of  the  literati 
are  utter  disbelievers  in  any  cult  or  religion — ag- 
nostics in  the  strongest  sense  of  the  word.  Thus, 
sitting  beside  a member  of  the  literary  class  one 
afternoon  in  a chapel  in  Peking,  and  listening  to 
an  earnest  explanation  of  the  Christian  faith,  the 
writer  overheard  his  neighbor  say : “ Wo  ch’uan 
puh  hsin.  Ch’ih  pao  la,  chio  hao  la.”  “ I do 
not  believe  a word  of  it.  Let  a man  eat  to  the 
full  and  he  is  all  right.” 

It  is  not  to  be  questioned  that  mobs  and  violent 
disturbances  in  China  are  more  frequently  di- 
rected against  missionaries  than  other  foreigners. 
The  explanation  of  this  fact  is  very  simple.  All 
other  classes  of  foreigners  live  at  the  treaty 
ports  under  the  guns  or  within  easy  reach  of  the 
ubiquitous  man-of-war.  They  have  little  direct 
connection  with  the  masses  of  Chinese,  and 
seldom  or  never  come  into  contact  with  them. 
And  those  Chinese  who  do  live  at  the  ports  have 
learned,  by  bitter  experience,  the  danger  of  troub- 
ling the  foreigner.  Only  very  exceptional  cir- 
cumstances can  arouse  them  to  any  acts  of  vio- 


158  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


lence.  The  missionaries  alone  live  in  interior 
districts,  in  little  groups,  beyond  military  or  naval 
protection,  and  with  no  means  of  defence.  They 
are  in  direct  contact  with  the  natives,  and  are  the 
first,  because  the  handiest,  victims  to  any  anti- 
foreign  uprising. 

And  so,  again,  the  charge  and  complaint 
against  Chinese  who  have  become  Christians — 
Protestant  or  Roman  Catholic — is  not  that  they 
have  apostatized  from  the  Confucian,  or  Bud- 
dhist, or  Taoist  cult,  but  that  " they  have  become 
foreigners.”  They  have  deserted  their  country. 
This  sentiment  among  the  Chinese  may  be  called 
intense  and  jealous  patriotism,  nationalism,  pride 
of  race,  or  whatever  else  the  reader  may  choose, 
but  it  is  their  connection  with  the  foreigners,  not 
with  Christianity,  which  forms  the  gravamen  of 
the  charge  against  converts,  and  for  which  imag- 
inary renunciation  of  China,  many  have  been 
called  upon  to  die. 

Here  again  is  evidence  that  any  opposition  to 
the  missionary  which  may  exist  among  the  Chi- 
nese is  aroused  not  so  much  by  his  teaching 
as  by  his  nationality.  A suspicion  of  some  sort, 
not  originating  in,  but  attaching  to  him,  a fear 
of  ulterior  motives  and  results,  created  and  kept 
alive  by  something  entirely  apart  from  his  calling, 
and  for  which  he  is  in  no  sense  responsible — to 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  159 


these  must  be  charged  all  active  dislike  of  the 
missionary  and  his  work.  Walls,  built  by  the 
supposedly  hostile  purposes  and  designs  of  others, 
hedge  him  away  from  the  confidence  of  the  peo- 
ple. He  suffers  because  of  the  land  from  which 
he  comes  and  the  company  which  he  keeps. 

There  is  no  sufficient  ground  for  the  assertion, 
sometimes  made,  that  missionaries  have  been 
smuggled  into  the  interior  of  China,  against  the 
will  of  the  government  and  people,  by  taking  ad- 
vantage of  the  interpolation  of  a spurious  clause 
in  the  French  treaty  of  1858.  It  is  a fact  that 
a spurious  clause  was  added  to  the  Chinese  text 
of  that  treaty  by  a French  missionary,  who  was 
acting  as  interpreter.  The  body  of  the  article, 
thus  meddled  with,  provided  that  missionaries, 
being  engaged  in  philanthropic  work,  should,  to- 
gether with  their  converts,  receive  the  protection 
of  the  Chinese  Government.  It  conceded  no  spe- 
cific right  of  residence  in  the  interior.  The  in- 
terpolated clause  contained  these  words : “ It  is, 
in  addition,  permitted  to  French  missionaries  to 
rent  and  purchase  land  in  the  interior,  and  to  con- 
struct buildings  thereupon  at  their  convenience.” 
As  has  been  stated,  this  spurious  provision  was 
added  to  the  Chinese  text  only,  and  not  to  the 
French,  which  was  made  the  official  or  authorized 
version  in  all  cases  of  discrepancy  between  the 


160  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


two.  The  forgery  was  discovered  at  once,  was 
of  no  value,  as  the  French  text  of  the  treaty  alone 
was  authoritative,  and  was  never  taken  advan- 
tage of,  directly  or  indirectly,  by  either  the  Am- 
erican, British,  or  French  governments.  The 
French  Minister  at  Peking  officially  notified  the 
Chinese  authorities  that  his  government  recog- 
nized the  spurious  character  of  this  clause,  and 
would  claim  no  rights  under  it. 

In  point  of  fact,  the  interpolation  was  an  act 
of  useless  and  unnecessary  dishonesty,  even  under 
the  plea  that  the  end  justifies  the  means.  This 
can  be  readily  shown.  In  a.d.  1724,  the  Roman 
Catholic  missionaries,  who  had  built  up  a large 
and  influential  following  in  China,  were  expelled 
from  the  country,  being  charged  with  seeking  to 
interfere  with  affairs  of  state,  and  with  disobedi- 
ence of  the  commands  of  the  Emperor.  The 
property  of  the  Church,  amounting  to  many  mil- 
lions of  dollars  in  value,  was  either  confiscated 
by  the  government  or  taken  possession  of,  with- 
out legal  process,  by  individuals.  In  a French 
treaty  with  China,  made  some  twelve  years  prior 
to  that  of  Tientsin  mentioned  above,  it  had  been 
agreed  by  the  Chinese  Government  that  all  such 
property,  upon  proper  identification  and  proof  of 
ownership,  should  be  restored  “ to  the  congrega- 
tions of  Chinese  Christians  ” to  whom  it  had  be- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  161 


longed.  Under  this  stipulation,  property  of  im- 
mense value  in  the  aggregate  was  restored  to  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church  in  China,  and  bishops 
and  priests  were  placed  in  possession  of  it.  In 
this  way  were  Catholic  missionaries  reintroduced 
to  the  interior  of  China.  If  there  was  anything 
irregular  or  unexpected  by  the  Chinese  in  the 
issue  of  this  transaction,  which  must  be  doubted, 
it  lies  in  the  restoration  of  the  property  to  the 
hands  of  foreign  priests  and  bishops,  instead  of 
“ to  the  congregations  of  Chinese  Christians  ” as 
provided  for  in  the  treaty.  The  “ favored  nation 
clause,”  found  in  all  treaties  with  China,  opened 
the  way  for  Protestant  missionaries  to  follow  the 
Catholic.  The  notorious  interpolated  clause  in 
the  French  treaty  of  1858  has  played  no  part 
whatever  in  the  establishment  of  missionaries  in 
interior  districts. 

Whether  the  right  might  now  be  claimed  by 
prescription  in  favor  of  missionary  residence  in 
the  interior,  is  a question  which,  so  far  as  the 
writer  is  aware,  has  never  been  raised  by  the 
United  States.  It  is  not  the  policy  of  our  gov- 
ernment to  exact  special  rights  or  favors  for  any 
particular  class  or  calling.  It  protects  and  safe- 
guards the  interests  of  all  alike  who  pursue  hon- 
est undertakings,  upon  the  single  basis  of  citizen- 
ship. And  there  are  manifest  reasons  why  the 


1 62  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


government  should  make  no  exception  to  this 
policy  in  favor  of  missionaries  in  China.  The 
suspicion  that  they  were  in  reality  secret  political 
agents  would  solidify  into  positive  conviction. 
They  would  then  be  the  objects  of  special  jeal- 
ousy and  distrust  by  officials  and  people  alike. 
From  the  standpoint  of  missionary  success  itself, 
any  discrimination  in  favor  of  that  calling  is  most 
seriously  to  be  deprecated.  Special  favors  or 
privileges  granted  by  the  Chinese  Government 
may  materially  facilitate  the  work  of  the  preacher 
of  Christianity,  and  add  to  his  success.  But 
special  favors  shown  him  by  his  own  govern- 
ment are  inevitably  and  invariably  harmful. 

It  has  always  been  a serious  question  whether 
the  “ article  of  toleration  ” found  in  the  earlier 
treaties  with  China  did  not  represent  an  act  of  un- 
wisdom, as  singling  out  the  missionary  from  his 
fellow-foreigners,  and  apparently  according  spe- 
cial rights  to  him,  which  might  have  been  equally 
well  secured  in  the  general  article  dealing  with 
the  rights,  privileges,  and  immunities  accorded 
to  his  countrymen.  Thus,  while  receiving  less 
particular  attention,  he  would  be  granted  no  less 
measure  of  protection.  This  question  arose  in 
the  negotiation  of  the  treaty  between  the  United 
States  and  Corea — the  first  treaty  made  by  that 
kingdom  with  any  Western  nation — with  which 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  163 


the  writer  had  something  to  do.  That  distin- 
guished Chinese  statesman,  Li  Hung  Chang, 
acted  as  friendly  adviser  to  both  parties  in  the 
negotiation.  And  it  was  due  largely  to  his  ad- 
vice that  no  special  article  referring  to  mission- 
aries was  embodied  in  the  treaty,  their  rights 
being  effectually  safeguarded  in  the  manner 
above  indicated.  The  records  of  missionary 
work  in  Corea  furnish  no  argument  against  the 
wisdom  of  this  action. 

Apparently  there  has  been  no  occasion  for  any 
foreign  government  to  argue  the  question  of  the 
right  of  missionaries  to  reside  and  prosecute  their 
work  at  interior  points.  That  issue  has  not  been 
raised  by  China,  at  least  in  recent  years.  Upon 
the  other  hand,  nothing  appears  to  have  been 
formally  conceded.  But  a wiser  course  than 
either  official  protest  or  concession  has  been  fol- 
lowed by  the  Chinese  Government.  Recognizing 
the  philanthropic  motive  and  labors  of  the  mis- 
sionaries, it  has  allowed  them  to  establish  them- 
selves wherever  they  might  be  able  to  do  so  with 
the  tacit  consent  of  the  people  of  the  locality. 
No  fault  can  be  found  with  this  policy  by  the 
most  ardent  advocate  of  missions.  It  is  at  once 
wise,  conservative,  and  tolerant.  The  mission- 
aries are  forced  upon  no  one,  they  reach  the  fields 
most  ready  to  receive  them,  the  suspicion  that 


164  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


they  are  secret  political  agents  finds  nothing  sub- 
stantial upon  which  to  feed,  and  they  are  granted 
all  that  they  can  wisely  expect,  a fair  opportunity 
to  do  their  work. 

While  the  freedom  of  interior  residence  is 
granted  to  missionaries  as  a privilege  rather  than 
a right,  the  Chinese  Government  recognizes  the 
fact  that,  having  conceded  such  privilege,  it  is 
answerable  for  their  protection  from  violence  or 
molestation  of  any  sort.  It  is,  perhaps,  some- 
times slow  to  make  peremptory  demands  upon 
local  authorities  for  redress  in  these  “ missionary 
cases,”  as  they  are  called,  upon  the  same  theory 
that  leads  a railway  corporation  to  exempt  itself 
from  liability  for  injuries  to  a person  who  ac- 
cepts a free  pass.  These  cases  are  peculiarly 
vexatious  and  difficult  of  adjustment.  They  show 
a hostile  public  sentiment,  aroused,  not  infre- 
quently, by  indiscreet  acts  of  the  missionaries 
themselves,  who  also  sometimes  expect  more  in 
the  way  of  satisfaction  than  it  would  be  either 
just  or  politic  to  exact.  The  Imperial  Govern- 
ment is  inclined  to  regard  the  matter  as  some 
local  quarrel,  which  should  be  smoothed  over  and 
patched  up  upon  the  spot.  It  probably  is  also 
inclined  to  regard  the  outbreak  of  violence  as  a 
proof  that  the  missionaries  suffering  from  it  have 
exceeded  the  privilege  conceded  to  them  by  estab- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  165 


lishing  themselves  where  they  were  not  wanted, 
though  no  such  idea  may  be  expressed.  In  spite 
of  all  the  complications  and  difficulties,  a reason- 
able measure  of  reparation  is  almost  invariably 
secured,  either  from  the  local  authorities  or  at 
Peking. 

If  a balance  were  struck  between  the  repara- 
tion granted  by  China  for  all  acts  of  violence 
done  by  its  people  upon  foreigners  of  all  classes, 
and  reparation  granted  by  so-called  Christian 
powers  for  all  acts  of  violence  against  Chinese 
abroad  or  in  China,  that  balance  would  not 
be  largely  against  China.  Our  government  has 
again  and  again  secured  pecuniary  compensa- 
tion from  the  Chinese  Government  for  injuries 
done  by  mobs  to  the  persons  and  property  of 
American  citizens.  It  has,  properly,  refused  in 
nearly  all  such  cases  to  treat  with  local  officials, 
holding  the  central  authority  at  Peking  account- 
able. That  authority  has  conceded  the  responsi- 
bility and  satisfied  our  demands.  When,  in  turn, 
the  Chinese  Minister  at  Washington  has  pre- 
sented claims  to  our  government  for  the  lives  and 
property  of  Chinese  subjects  destroyed  by  mob 
violence  at  various  points  in  this  country,  the 
Secretary  of  State — coerced  by  the  law,  it  is  true 
— has  referred  him  to  a jury  in  the  very  county 
and  town  in  which  the  wrong  was  done,  chosen 


1 66  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


from  among  the  very  men  who  were  guilty  of  the 
act.  Justice  failing  there,  as  was  to  be  expected, 
and  the  Chinese  Minister  becoming  importunate, 
after  years  of  delay,  Congress  has  appropriated 
money  to  pay  these  claims  “ as  an  act  of  charity 
and  commiseration  for  the  sufferers,”  and  not  as 
justice.  And  in  more  than  one  instance,  when 
the  President,  through  the  Secretary  of  State, 
has  called  upon  the  governor  of  a State  to  grant 
protection  or  reparation  to  Chinese,  he  has  been 
advised,  by  way  of  reply,  not  more  polite  or 
diplomatic  than  respectful,  to  mind  his  own 
business ! 

In  many  years  of  diplomatic  service  in  China, 
in  the  course  of  which  the  writer  had  occasion  to 
adjust  a considerable  number  of  so-called  “ mis- 
sionary cases,”  and  to  discuss  questions  touching 
the  presence  of  missionaries  and  their  work  in 
China,  with  all  grades  of  officials  in  all  parts  of 
the  empire,  from  the  prince  regent  to  a police 
magistrate,  no  single  complaint  of  Protestant 
missionaries  as  a class,  was  brought  to  his  knowl- 
edge. Censure  of  individual  members  of  the 
body  for  indiscreet  conduct  or  disregard  of  the 
customs  and  prejudices  of  the  people  were  infre- 
quently heard,  but  no  complaint  against  them  en 
masse,  nor  objection  to  their  presence  in  the  coun- 
try. In  January,  1875,  the  Chinese  Cabinet  laid 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  167 


before  the  diplomatic  body  at  Peking  a volumi- 
nous document  containing,  in  substance,  two 
grievances.  The  principal  one  was  the  opium 
traffic.  The  other  embodied  complaints  against 
Roman  Catholic  missionaries.  They  were 
charged  with  interference  with  local  officials  in 
the  discharge  of  their  duties,  when  a convert  was 
accused  of  crime,  and  violation  of  some  of  the 
important  sumptuary  laws  of  the  empire.  Thus, 
it  was  asserted  that  some  of  the  priests  and  bish- 
ops adopted  the  official  costume,  and  even  wore 
garments  of  the  imperial  yellow,  which  color 
none  but  the  Emperor  might  use. 

Upon  the  other  hand,  and  aside  from  the  right 
of  residence  in  the  interior,  much  assistance  and 
many  important  and  valuable  favors  have  been 
granted  to  missionaries  by  all  grades  of  officials 
in  all  parts  of  the  empire.  They  have  given  large 
sums  of  money  to  Christian  schools  and  hospi- 
tals, have  been  present  and  made  appreciative  ad- 
dresses at  the  laying  of  the  corner-stones,  and  at 
the  opening  of  buildings  devoted  to  educational 
and  medical  work.  In  more  than  one  instance, 
they  have  established  hospitals,  placed  them  un- 
der the  care  of  missionaries,  and  assumed  the  en- 
tire cost  of  maintenance.  And  this  has  been 
done  with  full  knowledge  that  Christianity 
would  be  taught  in  the  hospitals,  and  that  at  least 


1 68  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


as  much  time  would  be  given  to  the  Bible  in  the 
schools  as  to  the  Confucian  classics. 

While  this  official  assistance  naturally  has  been 
directed  to  the  educational  and  medical  work, 
many  instances  might  be  given  of  the  cordial  ap- 
preciation and  regard  for  missionaries  as  a body, 
and  for  all  branches  of  their  calling.  One  Chi- 
nese viceroy  requested  that  United  States  pass- 
ports issued  to  missionaries  might  specify  their 
occupation,  in  order  that  special  protection  and 
facilities  might  be  granted  them.  This  could  not 
be  done,  as  a wise  regulation  forbids  any  such  dis- 
crimination. Upon  one  occasion  of  trouble  be- 
tween China  and  France,  the  authorities  of  a prov- 
ince asked  all  American  missionaries  to  display 
the  United  States  flag  upon  their  premises,  as  an 
easy  method  of  identification,  and  an  aid  to  the 
officials  in  securing  them  from  harm.  In  the  ad- 
justment of  “ missionary  cases,”  while  the  local 
authorities  have  sometimes  been  reluctant  and 
dilatory,  in  many  others  they  have  been  not 
merely  just,  but  generous  and  liberal,  restoring 
even  more  than  had  been  destroyed,  and,  by 
their  words  and  actions,  assuring  quietness  and 
popular  favor  to  the  missionaries  for  years  to 
come. 

It  would  be  strange  indeed  if  the  government 
or  people  of  China  should  pursue  a bigoted  and 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  169 


intolerant  policy  in  matters  of  religion.  For  the 
Chinese  are  not  given  to  the  reversal  of  prece- 
dents. And  the  records  of  at  least  two  thousand 
years  of  their  history  show  an  almost  uniform 
course  of  toleration,  and,  at  times,  even  of  special 
favor,  toward  all  forms  of  religious  belief,  re- 
gardless of  their  source.  The  few  exceptions  to 
this  policy,  and  the  accompanying  persecutions, 
have  invariably  grown  out  of  the  charge,  often 
too  well  founded,  of  disloyalty  to  the  empire  and 
interference  with  affairs  of  state.  In  the  two 
notable  instances,  to  be  mentioned  shortly,  the 
Chinese  Emperor  sought  to  crush,  not  religious 
belief,  but  political  intrigue.  And  this  accords 
exactly  with  the  statement  already  made  that  any 
opposition  to  missionaries  in  modern  times  is  due 
to  the  suspicion  that  they  are  political  agents,  and 
not  at  all  to  their  religious  teaching. 

Zoroastrianism — the  faith  of  the  Parsees  in 
India  to-day — existed  in  China  centuries  before 
the  Christian  era.  One  emperor  of  the  famous 
Han  dynasty  elevated  Confucianism  to  a cult. 
His  successor,  moved,  as  some  say,  by  a thrice-re- 
peated dream,  or,  as  others  claim,  by  a declaration 
of  Confucius,  that  a sage  would  be  found  in  the 
West,  sent  a special  embassy  in  search  of  the  new 
light.  This  deputation  wandered  into  India  and 
returned  with  Buddhism.  The  new  belief  was 


i7o  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


welcomed,  and  to-day  numbers  its  adherents 
among  the  Chinese  by  the  hundreds  of  millions. 
Mohammedans  came  into  China  from  Persia 
nearly  two  thousand  years  ago.  There  are  many 
millions  of  them  through  all  Northern  and  West- 
ern China,  following  their  religion  and  living 
in  peace.  There  are  twenty-four  Mohammedan 
mosques  in  Peking  alone.  And  their  places  of 
worship  are  found  in  every  large  city  throughout 
one-half  of  the  empire.  A Mohammedan  rebel- 
lion sprung  up  in  Western  China  in  1862,  which 
continued  a number  of  years,  and  developed  into 
an  iconoclastic  crusade  against  Buddhism. 
Eventually  suppressed,  the  leaders  were  treated 
with  great  moderation,  being  only  required  to 
live  in  peace  with  followers  of  other  beliefs,  and 
to  post  a prayer  for  the  Emperor  of  China  upon 
the  wall  in  each  mosque. 

The  Nestorian  form  of  Christianity  was  intro- 
duced into  China  as  early  as  a.d.  505.  The  first 
knowledge  of  silk  and  the  silkworm  was  carried 
thence  to  Constantinople  by  monks  of  this  order 
in  a.d.  552.  The  Emperor,  Tai  Tsung,  received 
the  preachers  of  this  faith  with  respect,  ordered 
a temple  for  their  use  to  be  erected  at  his  capital, 
and  examined  their  religious  books.  The  Nes- 
torian faith  spread  throughout  China,  flourished 
for  centuries,  had  emperors  among  its  adherents, 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  171 


and  the  highest  officials  in  the  land  among  its 
membership,  and  only  became  extinct  about  a.d. 
1400.  The  famous  Nestorian  Tablet,  erected 
during  the  reign  and  by  the  orders  of  the  Em- 
peror Chien  Chung  of  the  Tang  dynasty  in  the 
year  781,  is  still  in  existence.  It  is  a large  slab 
of  slate  erected  upon  the  back  of  a tortoise,  and 
having  a lengthy  and  thoroughly  Oriental  docu- 
ment cut  upon  the  face.  The  burden  of  the  in- 
scription is  praise  of  the  Christian  faith  and  of 
the  several  emperors  of  the  then  reigning  dy- 
nasty. Embodied  in  it  is  a decree  issued  by  the 
Emperor  Tai  Tsung  in  639,  which  concludes  as 
follows:  “As  it  (the  Nestorian  belief)  is  right, 
let  it  be  promulgated  throughout  the  empire.  Let 
the  appropriate  Board  build  a Judean  church  in 
the  Righteous  and  Holy  street  of  the  capital,  and 
appoint  thereto  twenty-one  priests.” 

In  1269  a.d.,  the  Venetian  traveller  and  mer- 
chant, Marco  Polo,  was  sent  from  Peking  by  the 
Emperor  to  Rome  as  an  envoy  to  the  Pope,  re- 
questing that  missionaries  might  be  sent  to  China 
to  instruct  the  people  in  the  true  faith.  Roman 
Catholic  priests  were  sent  in  response  to  this  re- 
quest. Little  is  known  of  their  numbers,  work, 
or  success  beyond  the  fact  that  one  of  them,  John 
de  Monte  Corvino  by  name,  labored  in  the  capL 
tal  for  eleven  years,  during  which  time  he  bap- 


172  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


tized  nearly  6000  persons.  They  appear  to  have 
made  no  permanent  impression  upon  the  Chinese. 

The  second  period  of  Roman  Catholic  missions 
in  China  began  in  1581  and  ended  in  1736.  At 
first  the  work  of  the  priests  was  opposed  and  for- 
bidden by  the  authorities,  and  they  were  ordered 
to  leave  the  country.  But  they  won  their  way 
tc  official  favor  and  patronage,  and  eventually 
some  of  their  number  occupied  positions  of  au- 
thority and  importance  in  the  state.  But  quar- 
rels among  themselves,  appeals  to  Rome  and  con- 
tradictory orders  received  therefrom,  appeals  to 
the  Emperor  and  political  intriguery  worked 
their  ruin.  The  end  came  with  an  effort  to  set 
the  authority  of  the  Pope  above  the  decrees  of  the 
Emperor.  The  foreign  priests  were  commanded 
to  leave  China,  and  more  than  a half  million  con- 
verts were  required  to  abjure  the  Catholic  faith. 

Other  sects  have  established  themselves  within 
the  empire  and  grown  and  flourished  there  for 
centuries  without  molestation  from  either  the 
people  or  the  authorities.  Taoism,  imported 
from  India  long  before  the  Christian  era,  still 
exists,  and  numbers  its  votaries  by  millions.  And 
in  the  very  centre  of  the  Chinese  Empire  is  to  be 
found  a single  village  of  Jews,  who  made  their 
way  thither  at  the  time  of  the  dispersion  of  the 
tribes.  Through  all  the  centuries  they  have  pre- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  173 


served  their  ancient  customs  and  ritual,  holding 
only  business  relations  with  their  Chinese  neigh- 
bors, and  have  been  neither  disturbed  nor  mo- 
lested. 

This  rapid  sketch  of  the  many  forms  of  re- 
ligious belief  imported  into  China  since  the  very 
beginning  of  authentic  history  shows  a tradi- 
tional and  consistent  policy  of  toleration  upon  the 
part  of  the  government.  It  has  invited  foreign 
faiths  into  the  empire.  It  objects  to  political 
propagandism,  but  not  to  religious  teaching. 

When  the  reader  recalls  to  mind  the  fact  that, 
prior  to  the  year  of  Our  Lord  1868,  no  English- 
man might  vote  or  hold  office  in  his  native  land, 
or  enter  as  a student  at  either  of  the  great  uni- 
versities of  Oxford  or  Cambridge,  unless  he 
first  subscribed  his  assent  to  the  thirty-nine  arti- 
cles of  the  Episcopal  Creed;  that,  to  this  day, 
Protestant  missionaries  are  sternly  prohibited 
from  pursuing  their  calling  in  any  part  of  the 
Russian  Empire,  and  are  hindered  and  hedged  in 
by  all  sorts  of  obstructive  regulations  in  every 
Roman  Catholic  country — with  such  facts  in 
view,  the  fair-minded  reader  must  at  least  admit 
that  China  has  not  been  behind  the  age  in  the 
matter  of  religious  toleration. 

In  the  face  of  all  criticism,  friendly  and  hostile, 
and  after  making  full  and  ample  discount  for  in- 


i74  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


efficiency,  unfitness,  and  indiscretion,  each  in  in- 
dividual cases,  it  still  must  be  insisted  that  mis- 
sionaries constitute  the  most  important  force 
working  for  progress,  development,  and  conser- 
vation to  be  found  in  China.  Their  sincerity  of 
purpose  and  devotion  cannot  be  questioned  by  in- 
telligent men.  In  spite  of  any  and  all  assertions 
to  the  contrary,  they  are  not,  as  a class,  prone  to 
attack  any  of  the  cherished  institutions  of  the  peo- 
ple. They  prefer  rather  to  teach  and  explain  the 
beauties  of  the  Christian  faith  and  exhort  to  ac- 
ceptance of  it.  They  are  not,  upon  the  other 
hand,  inclined  to  compromise  with  any  form  of 
heathenism,  and  can  speak  in  plain  but  kindly 
language  when  the  occasion  appears  to  them  to 
require  such  a course.  True,  they  do  not  all  pos- 
sess the  wisdom  of  the  serpent  added  to  the  harm- 
lessness of  the  dove.  Yet,  upon  the  whole,  they 
exercise  great  tact,  patience,  and  knowledge  of 
human  nature  in  their  work  among  the  Chinese. 
Probably  no  class  of  people  waste  so  little  time  in 
tilting  at  windmills  as  the  missionaries.  They 
are  far  too  busy,  too  much  in  earnest  to  indulge 
in  any  such  waste.  And  their  simple,  quiet,  de- 
voted lives  make  an  impression  upon  many  who 
never  hear  a word  of  their  teaching. 

The  strong  assertion  which  heads  the  preced- 
ing paragraph  would  still  hold  good,  if  all  di- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  175 


rectly  religious  teaching  were  left  out  of  the  es- 
timate of  their  work.  How  can  it  be  otherwise? 
The  missionaries  represent  all  that  has  ever  been 
done  for  the  education  and  elevation  of  the  female 
half  of  the  entirepopulation  of  China.  Practically 
the  only  schools  for  modern  education  have  been 
established  and  conducted  by  them.  The  benefits 
of  modern  medical  and  surgical  knowledge  and 
practice  reach  the  Chinese  only  through  mission- 
aries. Text-books  and  educational  works  of  al- 
most every  class  have  been  translated  into  the 
native  tongue,  and  thus  placed  within  reach  of  the 
people,  almost  exclusively  by  missionaries.  They 
are  not  merely  evangelists  of  the  Christian  faith. 
They  are  the  exponents  of  new  ideas,  a broader 
range  of  knowledge,  a higher  type  of  manhood 
and  womanhood,  a veritable  new  birth  and  a new 
intellectual  life.  Strike  out  of  the  account  every 
word  of  purely  religious  teaching  uttered  by  him, 
and  the  missionary  still  stands  as  the  chief  be- 
neficent worker  of  all  that  is  best  in  the  way  of 
progress  in  China.  The  man  who  sneers  at  his 
quiet,  unassuming  life  and  untiring  self-sacri- 
ficing labor  only  slanders  his  own  intelligence  and 
wastes  his  breath. 

The  greatest  hindrance  to  this  beneficent  work 
probably  lies  in  the  popular  suspicion,  so  often 
mentioned,  that  a political  purpose  forms  the 


i7 6 REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


original  motive  for  the  presence  of  the  missionary 
in  the  empire.  If  the  great  powers  of  Europe 
gave  the  Chinese  less  occasion  to  dread  their  sin- 
ister designs  upon  the  integrity  and  independence 
pf  China,  it  is  probable  that  this  hindrance  would 
soon  and  quietly  disappear.  Pending  that  most 
desirable  change  in  European  policy,  only  time, 
tact,  and  patience  can  be  relied  upon  to  disabuse 
the  minds  of  the  ignorant  and  prove  their  sus- 
picions groundless.  The  suggestion  that  mis- 
sionaries should  cast  off  all  claims  of  nationality 
and  place  themselves  at  the  mercy  of  the  people 
whom  they  desire  to  serve,  refusing  to  appeal  to 
their  own  governments  for  protection,  is  as  idle 
and  valueless  as  the  effort  to  conceal  a foreign 
nationality  by  donning  Chinese  clothes.  The 
Chinaman  despises  no  man  so  much  as  the  man 
without  a country.  He  would  not  believe  in  any 
such  absolute  expatriation,  and  would  probably 
decide  that  the  simple-minded  missionary  was 
even  a deeper  trickster  than  others  of  his  class. 
Or  he  would  conclude  that  this  homeless  indi- 
vidual had  left  his  country  for  his  country’s  good, 
had  either  been  banished  or  was  in  hiding  because 
of  some  criminal  offence.  Nor  is  there  occasion 
for  any  such  drastic  remedy.  The  missionary 
has  his  civil  rights  not  less  than  any  other  class 
of  foreigners  in  China.  There  is  no  occasion 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  177 


for  him  to  renounce  them.  In  religion,  as  well 
as  in  politics  or  business,  the  plain,  common-sense 
way  is  the  best.  It  is  only  necessary  for  him  to 
exercise  prudence  and  moderation  in  the  appeal 
to  his  own  authorities,  exhausting  all  means  of 
friendly  and  unofficial  adjustment  before  he 
formulates  his  grievance  into  a case.  Especially 
should  he  be  reluctant  to  seek  redress  on  behalf 
of  native  Christians  by  way  of  foreign  officials. 
Treaties  provide  for  such  reference,  but  advan- 
tage should  never  be  taken  of  that  fact,  except  in 
the  most  gross  and  inhuman  cases  of  persecution. 
Patience,  tact,  and  shrewd  appeals  to  the  good 
nature  of  local  officials  will  work  wonders  in 
China  as  elsewhere.  And  the  favorable  word 
and  influence  of  those  in  authority  over  the 
Chinese  is  being  more  and  more  freely  given  to 
the  foreign  missionary.  In  spite  of  all  assertions 
to  the  contrary,  he  is  making  his  way,  becoming 
less  the  object  of  suspicion,  and  hence  more 
widely  influential,  which  no  foreigner  in  China 
so  well  deserves  as  he. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


DIPLOMACY  IN  CHINA. 

There  is  evidence  that,  prior  to  the  Chris- 
tian era,  a certain  amount  of  commerce  existed 
between  China  and  the  countries  of  Europe. 
It  was,  however,  mainly  indirect,  the  articles 
exchanged  passing  through  the  hands  of  the 
merchants  in  several  intervening  countries. 
Direct  and  permanent  commercial  intercourse 
probably  began  about  a.d.  1300.  The  Christian 
era  apparently  marks  the  beginning  of  commer- 
cial and  friendly  missions  between  the  Emperor 
of  China  and  the  heads  of  various  Asiatic  and 
European  states.  Thus,  in  a.d.  61  the  Emperor 
sent  an  envoy  to  the  West  “ for  teachers  and 
books  of  the  true  religion.”  He  returned  with 
Buddhist  writings  and  priests.  In  a.d.  126  a 
Chinese  general  reached  the  valley  of  the  Caspian 
Sea  and  carried  the  grape-vine  back  to  China. 
In  a.d.  166  the  Roman  Emperor,  Marcus  An- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  179 


toninus,  sent  an  embassy  by  sea  to  China  to 
procure  the  rich  silks  which  that  country  pro- 
duced. The  culture  of  silk  was  introduced  into 
Europe  from  China  during  the  reign  of  the 
Roman  Emperor  Justinian.  Tea  plants  were 
carried  from  India  into  China  in  a.d.  315.  Ivory, 
apes,  peacocks,  silks,  medicines,  and  gums  were 
interchanged  by  the  dangerous  sea  route,  or  the 
more  dangerous  land  caravan  route,  during  the 
earlier  Christian  centuries.  It  seems  strange  to 
read  to-day  that  Chinese  engineers  were  em- 
ployed upon  public  works  in  Persia  in  a.d.  1275, 
and  that  Chinese  physicians  and  astrologers 
healed  the  sick  and  foretold  fate  even  before  that 
date  in  Tabriz,  the  Persian  capital. 

Sporadic  diplomatic  missions  from  the  nations 
of  modern  Europe  began  about  a.d.  1500  and 
continued  to  the  establishment  of  permanent 
relations.  The  French  first  appeared  in  China 
in  a.d.  1506;  the  Portuguese  followed  them  in 
a.d.  1516;  the  Spaniards  in  a.d.  1575;  the  Dutch 
in  a.d.  1624;  the  Russians  in  a.d.  1689,  and  the 
British  in  a.d.  1793.  With  the  exception  of  the 
Russian  and  British  embassies,  the  conduct  of 
all  these  messengers  of  amity,  good-will,  and 
commercial  intercourse  was  such  as  befitted 
pirates  rather  than  peaceably  disposed  men,  and 
it  went  far  to  justify  the  Chinese  Government 


1 80  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


in  its  policy  of  rigid  seclusion  from  all  associa- 
tion with  Europeans. 

Direct  and  permanent  diplomatic  intercourse 
between  China  and  Western  nations  dates  back 
only  to  a.d.  1834.  And  conditions  more  unfor- 
tunate for  the  inception  of  good  relations  could 
not  be  conceived.  As  has  been  intimated,  earlier 
French,  Dutch,  and  Portuguese  “ peace”  em- 
bassies had  harried  the  southern  coasts  of  China, 
killed  men,  women,  and  children,  plundered 
towns  and  cities,  and  then  sailed  peacefully 
away.  For  many  yerrs  a considerable  traffic 
had  been  carried  on  at  Canton  between  Chinese 
merchants  at  that  place  and  the  British  East 
India  Company.  It  was  under  official  regula- 
tion. Six  prominent  Chinese,  known  as  the 
“ Hong  Merchants,”  were  given  a monopoly  of 
the  trade,  and  were  held  accountable,  under 
heavy  bonds,  for  the  proper  conduct  of  it.  The 
British  East  India  Company  had  a resident 
agent  at  Canton  who  protected  their  interests. 
He  held  no  official  rank  or  title,  was  recognized 
by  the  Chinese  authorities  as  merely  a taipan, 
or  managing  clerk  of  a mercantile  corporation, 
and  when  he  had  occasion  to  address  the  local 
officials  he  did  so  by  means  of  a petition,  and 
was  “ honored  with  their  commands”  in  response. 
As  pointed  out  in  another  chapter,  this  re- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  1 8 1 


stricted  commerce  had  been  vexed,  interfered 
with,  and  at  intervals  interrupted,  during  more 
than  sixty  years,  by  the  persistent  attempts  of 
the  East  India  Company  and  foreign  merchants 
to  carry  on  a contraband  traffic  in  opium. 

Such  was  the  situation  when,  in  1834,  the 
charter  of  that  company  expired,  and  the  British 
Government  took  personal  control  of  affairs  in 
India.  This  involved  the  direct  management  of 
the  trade  at  Canton,  and  made  the  British  Crown 
the  purveyor  of  the  forbidden  drug  to  the  appe- 
tites of  the  Chinese.  It  held  a monopoly  of  the 
production  in  India,  and  became,  to  all  intents 
and  purposes,  the  chief  smuggler  of  it  into 
China.  The  Right  Honorable  Lord  Napier  was 
appointed  “ Chief  Superintendent  of  British 
Trade  in  China,”  two  gentlemen  were  associated 
with  him  in  the  commission,  and  a long  list  of 
secretaries,  interpreters,  surgeons,  and  a chap- 
lain made  up  his  suite.  When  this  formidable 
embassy  arrived  near  Canton,  the  Chinese  cus- 
toms promptly  reported  to  the  provincial  au- 
thorities that  “ three  foreign  devils”  had  landed. 
Thereupon  word  was  sent  to  Lord  Napier, 
through  the  “ Hong  Merchants,”  that  he  must 
remain  where  he  was  until  permission  was 
granted  him  to  proceed  to  Canton. 

The  lengthy  correspondence  which  followed 


1 82  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


was  insulting  to  the  British  Government,  and 
exasperating  to  Lord  Napier.  All  communica- 
tions were  sent  to  him  through  the  “ Hong 
Merchants;”  he  was  not  mentioned  as  an  official 
of  distinguished  rank,  but  as  “ the  barbarian 
eye.”  He  was  called  upon  to  petition  the  gov- 
ernor, an  officer  lower  than  himself,  for  permis- 
sion to  enter  upon  the  duties  of  his  position. 
He  was  required  to  send  his  petition  through 
the  “ Hong  Merchants,”  and  warned  that  if  he 
“ threw  in”  letters  or  petitions  in  any  other  way, 
they  would  not  be  read.  An  extract  from  a 
report  made  by  the  governor  at  Canton  to  the 
Emperor  will  best  show  the  tone  of  the  entire 
correspondence  and  the  exquisite  bombast  of 
Chinese  state  papers  of  that  period.  “ But  con- 
sidering that  the  said  nation’s  king  has  hitherto 
been  in  the  highest  degree  reverently  obedient, 
he  cannot  in  sending  Lord  Napier  at  this  time 
have  desired  him  thus  obstinately  to  resist.  The 
some  hundreds  of  thousands  of  commercial 
duties,  yearly  coming  from  the  said  country,  con- 
cern not  the  Celestial  Empire  to  the  extent  of 
a hair  or  a feather’s  down.  But  the  tea,  the 
rhubarb,  the  raw  silk  of  the  Inner  Land  (China) 
are  the  sources  by  which  the  said  nation’s  people 
live  and  maintain  life.  For  the  fault  of  one  man, 
Lord  Napier,  must  the  livelihood  of  the  whole 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  183 


nation  be  precipitately  cut  off?  ...  I hear 
that  the  said  eye  (Lord  Napier)  is  a man  of 
very  solid  and  expansive  mind  and  placid  speech. 
If  he  consider,  he  can  himself  doubtless  distin- 
guish right  and  wrong.  . . . Hereafter,  when 
the  said  nation’s  king  hears  respecting  these 
repeated  orders  (from  the  governor  to  Lord 
Napier)  and  official  replies,  he  will  know  that  the 
whole  wrong  lies  on  the  barbarian  eye,  and  that 
it  is  in  nowise  owing  to  any  lack  on  the  part  of 
the  Celestial  Empire  of  extreme  consideration 
for  the  virtue  of  reverential  obedience  exercised 
by  the  said  nation’s  king.” 

It  is  necessary  to  explain  that  the  Chinese 
authorities  had  no  idea  of  the  intention  of  Great 
Britain  to  send  any  officer  of  rank  to  transact 
business  with  them.  They  had  been  warned  that 
the  British  East  India  Company  would  withdraw 
its  agent,  and  that  the  government  would  take 
direct  control  of  affairs.  They  had  themselves 
thereupon  suggested  that  the  government 
should  send  out  an  agent  to  look  after  its  interests. 
They  never  imagined  that  an  official  would  be 
sent  out  for  such  a purpose.  And,  in  the  honesty 
of  utter  ignorance,  they  supposed  the  British 
Government  to  be  simply  another,  and  possibly 
larger,  trading  company.  Hence  they  expected 
another  taipan , or  managing  clerk.  Thus,  in  one 


1 84  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


of  his  orders,  through  the  “ Hong  Merchants,” 
to  Lord  Napier,  the  governor  of  Canton  said: 
“ The  petty  affairs  of  commerce  are  to  be  di- 
rected by  the  merchants  themselves,  the  officers 
have  nothing  to  hear  upon  the  subject.”  At 
another  point  in  the  correspondence  he  sharply 
criticised  Lord  Napier  for  presumption,  in  mak- 
ing use  of  the  same  general  phraseology  in 
speaking  of  Great  Britain,  that  he  used  in  the 
mention  of  the  Chinese  Empire. 

At  this  time  the  entire  mass  of  the  nation, 
from  the  Emperor  at  Peking  to  the  meanest 
peasant,  was  in  the  most  profound  ignorance 
of  the  Western  world.  They  knew  no  more  of 
the  great  powers  of  America  and  Europe  than 
we  know  to-day  of  any  social  or  political  divi- 
sions upon  the  planet  Mars.  Merchants  were 
at  the  bottom  of  their  social  scale.  And  the 
rulers  of  China  held  in  most  profound  contempt 
any  and  all  men  whose  sole  business  in  life  was 
to  make  money. 

For  many  centuries  China  had  dominated 
a large  part  of  Asia.  She  knew  the  petty  states 
and  less  civilized  tribes  by  which  she  was  sur- 
rounded, and  exercised  kindly  forbearance  and 
moral  power  over  them.  She  was  at  the  head 
of  an  immense  patriarchal  system.  She  knew 
of  what  is  now  Asiatic  Russia,  for  the  rulers 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  185 


of  those  regions  had  made  prostration  and  paid 
tribute  to  the  Emperor.  She  knew  that  im- 
mense hordes  of  pirates,  banditti,  and  savages 
inhabited  unknown  countries  bordering  some- 
where upon  the  ocean  to  the  south  and  west, 
for  the  coast  provinces  had  suffered  from  their 
depredations.  But  that  great  and  independ- 
ent nations,  possessing  highly  organized  sys- 
tems of  government  and  a civilization  higher 
and  more  aggressive  than  hers  could  exist  any- 
where upon  the  face  of  the  earth,  was  far  beyond 
the  wildest  dreams  of  the  Chinese.  And  they 
have  not  yet  thoroughly  learned  that  lesson  or, 
rather,  conceded  that  fact.  So  recently  as  1864, 
the  Chinese  Government  declined  to  negotiate 
a treaty  with  the  kingdom  of  Prussia,  because 
it  had  never  heard  of  any  such  country.  Upon 
the  kindly  interference  of  the  British  Minister  at 
Peking,  this  decision  was  reversed,  for  the  naive 
reason  that  the  Germans  were  a respectable 
people,  whose  king  was  distantly  related  to  the 
queen  of  Great  Britain. 

Lord  Napier  was  instructed,  among  his  other 
duties,  to  discover  the  best  means  for  opening 
the  way  to  direct  communication  with  the  im- 
perial government  at  Peking.  His  numerous 
successors  were  charged  with  the  same  duty. 
The  envoys  from  the  United  States  and  from 


1 86  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


France,  who  reached  China,  respectively,  in 
1844  and  1845,  bad  similar  instructions.  The 
American  Minister,  Hon.  Caleb  Cushing,  was 
made  the  bearer  of  a letter  from  the  President 
to  the  Emperor  of  China,  and  was  directed  to 
proceed  to  Peking  and  deliver  the  letter  in 
person.  This  letter  is  almost  as  great  a curiosity 
in  state  papers  as  the  Chinese  correspondence 
from  which  quotations  have  been  made.  It  is^ 
in  no  sense,  boastful  or  arrogant.  It  is,  in  sub- 
stance, plain,  frank,  and  business-like.  It  gives 
a bit  of  the  geography  of  the  United  States,  and 
is  chiefly  peculiar  because  it  is  couched  through- 
out in  those  monosyllabic  words  and  simple 
sentences  which  are  suited  to  the  capacity  of 
very  young  children  or  unclad  savages. 

If  foreign  powers  were  bent  upon  establishing 
direct  communication  with  Peking,  the  Chinese 
Government  was  more  stubbornly  determined 
against  it,  and  no  treaties  were  negotiated  at  the 
capital  prior  to  i860.  With  one  exception,  no 
foreign  minister  succeeded  in  reaching  that 
centre  of  authority,  and  he  failed  to  accomplish 
the  object  of  his  journey.  From  1834  to  i860 
all  international  business  was  transacted  at  sea- 
ports, more  or  less  remote  from  Peking,  and 
the  legations  were  to  be  found  established  on 
board  ships  of  war,  either  cruising  about  the 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  187 


Yellow  Sea,  or  lying  at  anchor  in  some  harbor. 
While  the  Chinese  did  not  seriously  object  to 
legitimate  commerce  localized  at  a few  specified 
points  and  carefully  regulated,  they  wished  no 
official  connection  with  foreign  powers,  and, 
least  of  all,  were  they  prepared  to  admit  them 
to  any  intercourse  which  carried  with  it  the  idea 
of  equality.  This  would  destroy  the  assumptions 
and  the  precedent  of  centuries.  And  a theory 
sustained  by  an  antiquated  precedent  is  of  more 
value  to  the  Chinese  than  any  amount  of  com- 
mercial advantage.  So,  for  twenty  years  foreign 
representatives  pressed,  and  the  imperial  authori- 
ties fought,  the  right  of  diplomatic  residence  at 
Peking.  The  question  was  much  complicated 
with  other  matters.  And  there  is  grave  reason 
to  suspect  that,  had  Great  Britain  in  these  years 
secured  the  legalization  of  the  opium  traffic,  an 
excuse  would  have  been  found  for  withdrawing 
the  demand,  much  as,  in  the  early  months  of 
1873,  an  excuse  was  invented  for  instructing  the 
British  Minister  at  Peking  to  withdraw  his  de- 
mand for  audience,  that  universally  recognized 
right  of  all  envoys  at  every  civilized  capital. 

In  1858,  a treaty  was  concluded  at  Tientsin 
between  Lord  Elgin,  the  British  Commissioner, 
and  the  Chinese,  and  a promise  given  by  the 
latter  that  ratifications  should  be  exchanged 


t 88  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


at  Peking  the  year  following.  But  when  Sir 
Frederic  Bruce,  the  new  minister,  attempted  to 
proceed  to  the  capital  in  accordance  with  this 
promise,  the  British  fleet  was  fired  upon  from 
the  forts  at  the  mouth  of  the  Peiho.  A battle 
followed,  which  ended  in  the  repulse  of  the 
British.  In  i860,  a combined  force  of  English 
and  French  troops  attacked  and  destroyed  the 
Taku  forts,  captured  Tientsin,  marched  to 
Peking,  where  in  October  of  that  year  the 
treaty  of  1858  was  ratified,  and  the  right  of 
foreign  representatives  to  reside  at  the  capital, 
and  to  conduct  international  business  with  the 
Chinese  Government  upon  terms  of  equality  was 
formally  acknowledged.  And  thus  the  natural 
channel  of  communication  between  China  and 
the  governments  of  America  and  Europe  was 
finally  and  permanently  opened. 

It  must  not  be  assumed  that  this  inevitable 
solution  was  willingly  accepted  by  the  Chinese, 
or  that  they  modified,  in  any  degree,  their  objec- 
tions. They  simply  yielded  to  force,  and  sub- 
mitted to  what  they  regarded  as  a necessary  evil. 
From  their  point  of  view,  the  whole  business 
was  an  international  impertinence.  They  had 
a natural  and  inalienable  right  to  choose  their1 
associates,  acquaintances,  and  friends,  and  when 
they  had  politely  intimated  to  the  “ red-haired 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  189 


men  of  the  West”  that  such  choice  did  not 
include  them,  the  question  should  have  been 
settled.  No  arguments  and  no  train  of  reasoning 
could  carry  them  from  that  position.  It  is  an 
utter  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  benefits  to  be 
derived  from  commerce  have  any  weight  in  the 
Chinese  mind  in  favor  of  diplomatic  intercourse. 
They  never  associate  embassies  with  that  sort 
of  business. 

The  Chinese  are  natural  and  shrewd  mer- 
chants, and  the  authorities  are  quite  willing 
that  they  should  traffic,  but,  they  say,  what  has 
that  to  do  with  friendship?  So  long  as  they 
pay  their  taxes  and  do  not  deal  in  contraband 
wares  “ the  petty  affairs  of  commerce  are  to 
be  directed  by  the  merchants  themselves,  the 
officers  have  nothing  to  hear  upon  the  subject.” 
The  writer  has  heard  many  long  and  labored 
arguments  addressed  by  well-meaning  foreign- 
ers to  officials  of  all  ranks  in  the  Chinese  Empire, 
upon  the  inestimable  benefits  to  be  derived  from 
increased  facilities  for,  and  hence  increased  de- 
velopment of,  the  foreign  trade.  And  they  have 
all  been  wasted  breath,  as  the  bored  and  wearied 
faces  of  the  listeners  proved  only  too  plainly. 
They  cared  nothing  whatever  for  such  benefits. 
And  they  wondered  more  and  more  why  men  of 
prominence,  ability,  and  refinement  should  de- 


190  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


vote  their  lives  and  wander  all  over  the  face  of 
the  earth  in  pursuit  of  money.  That  govern- 
ments should  concentrate  all  their  energies  upon 
such  a purpose,  spending  millions  of  lives  and 
money  upon  it,  was  quite  beyond  their  compre- 
hension, and  tended  in  nowise  to  increase  their 
respect.  The  remark,  already  quoted,  of  the 
governor  of  Canton  to  the  Emperor,  correctly 
expresses  what  was  the  opinion  of  the  govern- 
ment of  China  at  that  time.  And  that  opinion 
has  remained  unchanged  to  the  present  day. 
“ The  some  hundreds  of  thousands  of  commer- 
cial duties  yearly  coming  from  the  said  country 
concern  not  the  Celestial  Empire  the  extent  of 
a hair  or  a feather’s  down.” 

The  forced  concession  of  the  right  of  diplo- 
matic residence  at  the  Chinese  Court,  and  of  the 
conduct  of  all  international  business  upon  a basis 
of  equality,  struck  a deadly  blow  at  one  of  the 
assumptions  and  precedents  dearest  to  the 
nation.  It  practically  denied  the  universal  su- 
premacy of  the  Emperor.  In  their  system  of 
paternalism  as  a form  of  government,  he  is  the 
sole  son  of  Heaven  on  earth,  and  hence  the 
natural  and  supreme  ruler  of  all  men.  None, 
however  exalted,  may  approach  his  presence 
except  upon  hands  and  knees,  none  address  him 
except  in  faltering  and  timid  response  to  a ques- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  191 


tion.  No  possible  objection  could  be  raised  to 
his  being  seen  by  foreigners.  They  had  wor- 
shipped in  his  presence  from  time  immemorial, 
and  he  had  gazed  benignantly  upon  them.  But  if 
the  representatives  of  other  rulers  were  to  walk 
unconcerned  into  his  presence,  stand  before  him, 
and  address  him  as  man  to  man,  then  the  idea 
dearest  to  the  Chinese  mind  would  be  destroyed, 
and  the  entire  fabric  of  human  government 
would  totter  and  fall.  All  this  was  strikingly 
illustrated  in  the  discussions  upon  the  audience 
question  in  1873.  The  right  of  the  foreign 
representatives  to  audience  with  the  young  Em- 
peror was  promptly  conceded.  The  question  of 
ceremonial — that  is,  the  question  whether  they 
should  or  should  not  present  themselves  before 
him  upon  their  hands  and  knees — developed  a 
heated  controversy  which  continued  for  months. 
The  point  was  only  yielded  when  the  Chinese 
authorities  were  informed  by  the  United  States 
Minister  that  audience  under  such  a degrading 
condition  would  not  be  accepted,  and  that,  unless 
it  were  promptly  conceded  under  the  forms 
usually  followed  at  Western  courts,  all  relations 
between  his  government  and  China  would  be 
broken  off. 

The  establishment  of  legations  at  Peking 
threw  a multitude  of  new,  intricate,  and  perplex- 


192  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


ing  questions  upon  the  Imperial  Government. 
There  were  practically  no  precedents  which 
might  serve  as  guides.  No  one  at  the  capital 
knew  anything  about  foreigners  and  foreign 
relations.  In  the  immense  official  class  perma- 
nently established  on  duty  there,  probably  there 
were  less  than  a score  who  had  ever  looked  in 
the  face  of  a native  of  America  or  Europe. 
Nothing  was  known  about  international  law. 
There  were  no  text-books  upon  the  subject,  for 
China  had  had  no  international  relations,  and 
the  very  term,  at  least  in  its  Western  meaning, 
did  not  exist  in  the  language.  Naturally,  there 
was  no  board  or  department  of  the  government 
to  which  the  conduct  of  diplomatic  business 
could  be  entrusted.  An  enormous  mass  of 
affairs,  involving  the  most  important,  critical, 
and  delicate  relations,  were  suddenly  thrown 
upon  the  Peking  authorities,  and  they  were  un- 
versed with  and  unprepared  to  handle  them. 

Under  these  unpromising  conditions  a new 
office  was  created  and  called  the  Tsung  li  Yamen, 
or  Superintendency  of  Foreign  Affairs.  Prince 
Kung,  a brother  of  the  Emperor,  was  placed  at 
its  head,  and  a number  of  the  influential  mem- 
bers of  the  government  were  associated  with 
him.  Each  of  these  gentlemen  had  other  official 
duties,  held  by  him  to  be  of  more  importance 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  193 


and  more  desirable.  Thus  constituted,  this 
body  has  continued  to  manage  the  diplomatic 
affairs  of  China  down  to  the  present  time.  It 
is  a cumbersome,  unwieldy,  and  unsatisfactory 
arrangement.  Appointment  to  it  is  not  sought 
by  powerful  officials,  and  to  be  gazetted  to  the 
Tsung  li  Yamen  is  regarded  as  almost  akin  to 
censure.  It  has  also  happened  more  than  once 
that  an  official  who  had  made  himself  conspicu- 
ous by  the  utterance  of  extreme  anti-foreign 
sentiments  was  ordered  by  the  Emperor  to  a seat 
upon  this  board.  This  was  done,  not  in  order 
to  pack  the  office  with  members  who  were  hostile 
to  foreigners,  but  to  give  such  gentlemen  a 
practical  lesson  in  the  difficulties  which  attended 
the  management  of  international  questions. 

The  result,  however,  was  none  the  less  very  un- 
fortunate. Men  who  had  never  in  their  lives 
looked  upon  a map  of  the  world,  did  not  know  the 
names  of  the  leading  powers  of  the  earth,  and 
could  not  tell  whether  France  was  situated  in 
the  north  of  England  or  in  Cuba,  entered  the 
Foreign  Office  from  time  to  time  with  the  stern 
and  lofty  determination  to  manage  the  foreigner. 
The  result  wras  generally  a salutary  lesson  to  the 
Chinese  official,  but,  in  the  meantime,  business 
was  seriously  obstructed.  In  this  way  all  the 
varying  shades  of  political  opinion  were  repre- 


i94  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


sented  in  the  body.  As  no  despatch  or  other 
communication  could  be  made  to  any  foreign 
minister  until  it  had  been  approved  and  initialed 
by  each  of  the  eight  or  ten  members  of  the 
Foreign  Office,  it  must  be  evident  that  the 
danger  of  any  unseemly  haste  in  the  conduct  of 
affairs  was  avoided. 

And  yet  the  Tsung  li  Yamen  has  not  deserved 
all  the  criticism,  abuse,  and  ridicule  which  has 
been  heaped  upon  it.  It  is  difficult  to  see  what 
other  or  more  satisfactory  scheme  for  the  con- 
duct of  foreign  affairs  could  have  been  adopted. 
The  practice  of  making  one  individual  the  re- 
sponsible head  of  a great  department  of  state 
has  never  been  followed  in  China.  Had  it  been 
adopted  in  this  case,  there  was  probably  no  man 
in  the  empire  sufficiently  bold  to  undertake  the 
duties  of  the  office.  If  one  had  been  found,  he 
could  not  have  retained  his  position  for  a single 
week.  For  whoever  occupied  that  post  stood 
constantly  between  two  terrible  fires.  Questions 
of  which  he  knew  little  or  nothing  must  be 
studied  and  satisfactorily  adjusted.  He  must 
meet  the  demands,  sometimes  unjust,  and  often 
pressed  peremptorily,  of  the  foreign  ministers. 
If  he  yielded,  then  he  must  face  the  displeasure 
of  the  Emperor.  If  he  resisted,  and  trouble  came 
in  consequence,  then  again  he  was  liable  to 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  195 


severe  censure  from  his  own  master.  For,  from 
the  Chinese  standpoint,  it  was  his  duty  to  resist 
foreign  demands,  and  at  the  same  time  ward  off 
any  untoward  results  of  his  resistance.  He  must 
manage  the  foreigner  by  finesse,  adroitness,  and 
diplomacy,  keeping  him  in  good-nature,  and  at 
the  same  time  yielding  little  or  nothing  to  his 
demands.  The  position  has  only  to  be  stated 
to  demonstrate  its  impossibilities  for  any  one 
person,  however  great  his  influence.  Only  by 
a division  of  responsibility  among  a number  of 
the  more  influential  of  the  high  officials  of  the 
Imperial  Government  could  foreign  affairs  be 
safely  managed.  Censure  and  criticism  when 
so  considerably  divided  were  still  dangerous. 
And  they  came  from  both  sides.  If  the  ministers 
of  the  Foreign  Office  have  been  characterized 
by  foreigners  as  evasive,  dilatory,  obstructive, 
and  impracticable,  they  have  been  denounced  by 
their  own  people  in  far  more  extreme  and  threat- 
ening terms.  Not  an  official  has  been  connected 
with  the  Tsung  li  Yamen  who  escaped  without 
some  loss  of  influence  and  prestige.  Even  Prince 
Kung,  son  of  one  emperor,  brother  of  another, 
and  uncle  of  two  succeeding,  and  at  one  time 
regent  of  the  empire,  was  commonly  spoken  of 
as  “ Kuei  tz  liu,”  or  “ Devil  Number  Six,”  be- 
cause he  was  at  the  head  of  the  Foreign  Office, 


196  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


and  hence  was  connected  with  the  “ foreign 
devils.”  “ Number  Six”  was  added  to  the  un- 
savory epithet  because  he  was  the  sixth  son  of 
his  father.  Any  person  who  was  in  position 
to  watch  the  members  of  the  Tsung  li  Yamen 
during  the  prolonged  discussion  of  the  question 
of  audience  in  1873  could  not  fail  to  see  the 
terrible  strain  under  which  they  were  placed.  As 
one  of  them  remarked  subsequently,  they  were 
in  hourly  danger  of  the  loss  of  official  position 
and  of  life. 

There  have  been  many  able,  broad-minded, 
patriotic  men  in  the  Chinese  Foreign  Office. 
Few  statesmen  in  Western  lands  would  have 
undertaken  the  duties  which  they  assumed  under 
command,  and  fewer  could  have  managed  them 
with  even  a moderate  measure  of  success  in  the 
face  of  such  obstacles.  And  fewer  yet  would 
have  consented  to  remain  in  office  under  the 
treatment  which  they  were  at  times  called  upon 
to  endure.  The  inevitable  difficulties  of  the 
position  were  sufficiently  great  to  appall  most 
men.  Some  of  the  peculiar  traits  of  Chinese 
character  enabled  them  to  surmount  these. 
They  were  forced  to  yield  more  than  once  to 
gross  injustice,  unreasonable  demands,  and  acts 
of  positive  aggression,  and  then  to  pacify  the 
wrath  of  the  Emperor  and  the  nation  for  having 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  197 


so  yielded.  Preposterous  demands,  which  would 
never  have  been  whispered  by  an  envoy  at 
any  Western  court,  were  formally  presented  to 
them  and  forced,  under  threats,  to  a favorable 
settlement.  International  law  was  interpreted 
in  so  many  different  and  contradictory  ways  to 
them  that  their  brains  fairly  reeled  under  the 
strain.  They  endured  all  this  with  courtesy  and 
polite  demeanor. 

For,  whatever  other  faults  a Chinese  gen- 
tleman may  have,  he  is  always  smiling  and 
courteous,  at  times  exasperatingly  so.  But  in 
addition  to  all  these  trials,  they  were  at  times 
called  upon  to  submit,  at  the  hands  of  for- 
eign representatives,  to  violent  and  overbear- 
ing conduct,  contemptuous  demeanor,  and  va- 
rious angry  demonstrations,  such  as  screaming, 
voluble  profanity,  pounding  the  table,  and  a 
clenched  fist  thrust  into  their  faces.  This  state- 
ment may  seem  impossible  to  believe,  but  it  is 
literally  true.  And  it  is  scarcely  less  incredi- 
ble that  venerable,  white-headed  gentlemen,  mem- 
bers of  the  Imperial  Chinese  Cabinet,  should 
have  patiently  submitted  to  such  outrages  upon 
decency  for  years,  before  they  ventured  to  enter 
a protest  with  the  prime  minister  of  the  govern- 
ment which  one  conspicuous  offender  repre- 
sented. 


i98  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


It  is  far  from  pleasant  to  place  such  criticisms 
of  any  foreign  representatives  at  Peking  upon 
record.  But  when  the  air  is  full  of  unfriendly 
criticisms  of  all  things  Chinese,  and  every  travel- 
ling book-maker  must  have  his  or  her  fling  at 
the  Chinese  Foreign  Office,  a sense  of  common 
justice  requires  that  at  least  a portion  of  the 
truth  upon  the  other  side  of  the  question  should 
be  laid  before  the  public.  It  has  been  essentially 
difficult  to  transact  international  business  at 
Peking.  It  has  been  at  times  a severe  trial  to 
the  nerves  and  the  patience.  But  it  has  been 
made  plain  that  the  native  officials  had  at  least 
their  full  share  of  these  difficulties  which  they 
were  forced  to  endure.  They  were  generally 
accessible  upon  the  side  of  their  good-nature. 
And  the  writer  found  in  a somewhat  extended 
official  relation  with  them  that  unwearied  pa- 
tience, unvaried  good-nature,  and  a most  ob- 
jectionable persistency  were  generally  sufficient 
to  secure  him  all  the  success  which  he  had  the 
right  to  expect. 

Whatever  of  truth  there  may  be  in  the  lines 

“ For  ways  that  are  dark  and  tricks  that  are  vain, 

The  heathen  Chinee  is  peculiar,” 

it  is  certain  that  he  has  not  a monopoly  of  these 
qualities.  And  this  fact  was  learned  by  the 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  199 


imperial  authorities  at  the  outset  of  diplomatic 
intercourse  at  Peking.  Incidental  reference  is 
made  in  another  chapter  to  a fraudulent  clause, 
inserted  in  the  French  treaty  of  Tientsin,  by 
a Roman  Catholic  missionary  who  acted  as 
interpreter,  the  object  of  which  was  to  secure 
the  right  of  residence  in  the  interior  to  members 
of  his  calling.  In  all  the  earlier  treaties  with 
China,  the  foreign  text  was  made  the  authorita- 
tive version  in  any  dispute  as  to  meaning.  The 
fraudulent  clause  was  not  inserted  in  the  French 
text,  but  in  the  Chinese.  The  author  of  the 
forgery  was  probably  in  doubt  what  action  the 
French  Minister  might  take  if  he  discovered  the 
addition,  which  he  could  not  do  if  it  was  placed 
only  in  the  Chinese  text.  And  he  counted  upon 
the  frightened  and  cowed  condition  of  the  Chi- 
nese authorities  as  the  result  of  recent  defeat  in 
battle  to  prevent  them  from  raising  any  question 
about  it.  The  trickery  was  unnecessary  and 
harmless  of  results,  as  the  French  Minister 
promptly  notified  the  Tsung  li  Yamen  that  no 
advantage  would  be  taken  of  the  interpolated 
clause.  A similar  fraud,  earlier  in  date,  but 
brought  to  light  at  about  the  same  time,  was  pro- 
ductive of  much  embarrassment  to  the  Chinese 
Government,  and  had  more  serious  results. 

In  the  days  when  Portugal  occupied  a notice- 


■200  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


able  place  upon  the  map  of  the  world,  a peace  mis- 
sion from  that  country  made  a piratical  descent 
upon  the  coast  of  China,  near  the  mouth  of  the 
river  below  Canton,  and  established  a fortified 
settlement  upon  the  peninsula  of  Macao.  After 
repeated  conflicts  between  Chinese  troops  and 
the  intruders,  a barrier  wall  was  erected  to  con- 
fine them  to  a narrow  area,  and  ultimately  a 
treaty  was  made  by  the  terms  of  which  they  were 
permitted  to  remain  there  upon  payment  of  an 
annual  ground  rent  to  the  Chinese  Government, 
the  latter  retaining  sovereignty  over  the  terri- 
tory. This  treaty  was  written  in  French,  Portu- 
guese, and  Chinese,  the  first-named  text  being 
the  authoritative  version.  A Roman  Catholic 
missionary  was  the  interpreter,  and  to  him  fell 
the  duty  of  drafting  the  several  texts  and  of 
certifying  to  their  identity  in  substance,  which 
he  did. 

Many  years  passed  before  the  government 
of  Portugal  proposed  an  exchange  of  the  ratifi- 
cations of  this  treaty.  In  the  meantime  the 
infamous  coolie  traffic  had  become  established 
at  Macao.  . Chinese  laborers  were  kidnapped 
from  the  mainland,  imprisoned  in  barracoons  at 
Macao,  and  sent  thence  by  shiploads  to  labor 
in  the  sugar  plantations  and  mines  of  Cuba  and 
Peru.  The  Portuguese  Government  derived 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  201 


large  revenues  from  this  form  of  slavery,  and  the 
Chinese  authorities  protested  in  vain  against  it. 
Eventually  the  exchange  of  ratifications  of  the 
treaty  was  sought  by  Portugal.  In  the  mean- 
time, however,  the  attention  of  the  authorities 
at  Peking  had  been  called  to  a serious  and 
manifestly  intentional  discrepancy  between  the 
Chinese  and  foreign  texts.  In  the  former,  the 
sovereignty  of  China  over  Macao  was  plainly 
recognized,  and  the  government  was  pledged  to 
appoint  proper  officers  to  govern  its  people  and 
maintain  order  there.  In  the  foreign  texts, 
China  as  plainly  relinquished  all  sovereignty 
over  the  peninsula,  and  was  to  be  permitted 
by  Portugal  to  appoint  a consular  officer  to 
reside  there.  The  exchange  of  ratifications  was 
refused  for  many  years  until,  wearied  by  the 
hopeless  effort  to  have  wrong  made  right  save 
at  the  cost  of  war,  the  exchange  was  made  and 
Macao  was  ceded  to  Portugal.  Other  instances, 
not  perhaps  of  fraud  in  the  construction  of 
treaties,  but  of  breach  of  faith  on  the  part  of 
foreign  powers  in  carrying  into  effect  their 
provisions,  might  be  given. 

It  must  not  be  imagined  that  the  Chinese 
Government  has  been  above  criticism  in  its  line 
of  conduct  under  these  international  compacts. 
Upon  the  contrary,  there  have  been  constant 


202  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


and  grave  causes  of  complaint.  It  is  not  in  the 
Chinese  disposition  to  openly  repudiate  an  obli- 
gation, and  hence  this  has  not  been  done.  But 
plain  provisions  have  been  wilfully  misinter- 
preted, and,  what  is  even  more  vexatious,  when 
pledges  contained  in  the  treaties  have  been 
nominally  carried  into  effect,  their  value  has  been 
destroyed  by  indirect  and  underhanded  methods. 
On  occasion  such  action  has  been  justified  by  the 
plea  that  all  treaties  concluded  prior  to  1861 
were  extorted  from  the  Chinese  at  the  point  of 
the  bayonet,  and  hence,  being  contracts  made 
under  duress,  were  not  binding.  If  this  argu- 
ment were  admitted,  a large  number  of  treaties 
and  conventions,  now  held  as  of  full  effect 
between  civilized  nations,  would  be  void  and 
without  force. 

The  main  burden  of  diplomatic  discussion  at 
Peking  is  confined  to  questions  affecting  com- 
merce. Here,  again,  the  Chinese  excuse  them- 
selves for  pursuing  a recalcitrant  line  of  conduct 
upon  the  ground,  not  often  formally  stated,  that 
all  questions  of  duties  and  other  taxes  upon 
commerce  ought  of  right  to  be  decided  by  each 
nation  for  itself;  that  they  concern  the  inherent 
rights  of  sovereignty;  that  control  of  these  ques- 
tions has  been  wrongfully  wrested  from  China, 
to  the  extent  that  she  can  neither  fix  the  rate 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  203 


of  impost  nor  enact  necessary  commercial  regu- 
lations without  the  consent  of  all  the  treaty 
powers;  and  that  hence  they  are  justified  in 
insisting  upon  the  narrowest  and  most  strict 
interpretation  of  provisions  forced  upon  them 
in  violation  of  their  natural  rights.  All  of  which 
may  be  logical  and  conclusive.  At  the  same 
time,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  interference 
of  foreign  powers  with  these  natural  rights  of 
China,  to  the  extent  of  incorporating  a tariff 
of  duties  and  commercial  regulations  in  the 
treaties,  was  necessary  if  any  considerable  inter- 
national traffic  were  to  continue  in  existence. 
Failing  such  interference,  and  such  treaty  stipu- 
lations, it  would  have  been  speedily  strangled  by 
excessive  taxation  and  obstructive  legislation. 

The  Chinese  Government  has  shown  a disposi- 
tion to  trifle  with  the  serious  character  of  treaties 
upon  two  notable  occasions.  In  1879,  Chung 
Hou,  a minister  of  the  Tsung  li  Yamen,  was 
sent  to  St.  Petersburg  to  conclude  a treaty  of 
delimitation  of  certain  portions  of  the  western 
boundary  of  the  empire.  His  negotiations  with 
Russia  extended  through  several  months,  during 
all  of  which  time  he  was  in  almost  daily  com- 
munication with  the  authorities  at  Peking.  Each 
article  of  the  treaty,  as  agreed  upon,  was  sub- 
mitted to  and  approved  by  the  imperial  authori- 


204  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


ties,  and  when  his  labors  were  concluded,  he 
asked  and  received  permission  to  sign  the  docu- 
ment. Having  done  so,  he  at  once  set  out  upon 
his  return  to  Peking.  But  during  the  interval 
occupied  by  this  journey,  a hostile  political  in- 
fluence came  into  control  at  the  Chinese  capital, 
and  when  Chung  Hou  reached  Shanghai,  he 
was  met  with  an  order  from  the  Emperor  that 
his  property  be  confiscated,  he  be  stripped  of  his 
offices,  and  beheaded,  upon  the  ground  that  he 
had  “ exceeded  his  authority  and  violated  his 
instructions.”  A prompt  and  energetic  remon- 
strance from  the  entire  diplomatic  body  at 
Peking,  coupled  with  the  assurance  that,  if  China 
treated  her  representatives  abroad  in  such  man- 
ner, no  civilized  government  would  consent  to 
receive  them,  and  more  emphatic  warnings  from 
Russia,  saved  the  unfortunate  envoy’s  life  and 
property.  But  he  spent  the  remainder  of  his 
days  in  vain  entreaties  to  gods  and  men  for 
restoration  to  the  favor  of  the  Chinese  Emperor. 
About  a year  later,  the  Foreign  Office  spent 
many  weeks  in  negotiating  a treaty  with  the 
Japanese  Minister  at  Peking,  and  at  the  last 
moment,  for  no  assignable  reason,  refused  to 
sign  the  document. 

In  a manner  certainly  not  less  trifling  and 
inconsistent,  the  French  Government  in  1882 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  205 


formally  thanked  its  minister  at  Peking  for 
negotiating  a treaty  with  China,  settling  certain 
matters  in  Tonquin;  only  a few  months  later 
repudiated  the  treaty,  and  censured  and  dis- 
missed from  his  post  the  minister  because  he 
had  signed  it;  demanded  an  indemnity  from 
China  for  the  expenses  of  one  of  the  numerous 
French  land-stealing  expeditions;  refused  arbi- 
tration, and  opened  war  upon  the  Chinese  be- 
cause payment  was  refused.  Great  Britain 
accepted  such  provisions  of  the  Chefoo  Conven- 
tion of  1877  as  made  to  her  advantage,  and 
repudiated  the  remainder.  It  should  be  no  great 
matter  of  surprise  if,  under  such  circumstances, 
China  finds  this  modern  business  of  foreign 
relations  and  friendly  intercourse  (so  called)  a 
most  unsatisfactory  mess  of  perplexities  and 
vexations,  a continued  dicker  in  which  she  is 
generally  the  loser,  and  longs  for  the  good  old 
days  when  the  men  of  the  West  remained  in  the 
West  and  left  her  to  herself. 

Diplomacy  in  China  is  at  once  tiresome  and 
exciting.  It  necessitates  familiarity  with  a great 
range  and  variety  of  subjects,  many  of  which 
are  never  heard  of  elsewhere.  The  representative 
at  Peking  is  forced  to  be  an  educator  in  a double 
sense.  He  must  inform  the  Chinese  of  Western 
matters  with  which  they  are  unfamiliar.  And  he 


io6  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


is  constantly  obliged  to  explain  to  his  own 
government  Oriental  peculiarities,  customs,  and 
laws,  which  of  necessity  influence  his  own  ac- 
tion, since,  without  such  explanation,  his  conduct 
of  public  affairs  would  appear  peculiar  and  at 
times  deserving  of  censure.  Who,  outside  of 
China,  or  within  the  empire,  for  that  matter, 
has  any  valuable  understanding  of  her  financial 
system  or  her  laws  of  taxation  ? Who  has 
reached  an  exhaustive  knowledge  of  the  relations 
between  the  provincial  governments  and  the 
central  authority?  Who  can  explain  her  system 
of  courts  and  judicial  procedure,  or  can  show 
how  and  why  it  is  that  a censor  is  not  merely 
permitted,  but  is  in  duty  bound,  on  occasion,  to 
criticise  the  Emperor,  that  Son  of  Heaven  and 
its  sole  representative  upon  earth?  Yet  all  these 
matters  are  constantly  cropping  up  to  vex  and 
complicate  the  labors  of  a diplomatic  representa- 
tive at  Peking.  He  must  know  something  about 
them  to  be  at  all  fit  for  his  position.  And  he 
must  know  a good  deal  about  them,  in  order  to 
so  conduct  his  business  as  to  reduce  the  inevi- 
table friction  between  Eastern  and  Western 
ideas  and  policies  to  a minimum. 

Unfortunately,  it  has  been  far  too  much  the 
habit  of  diplomatists  at  Peking  to  ignore  and 
ride  roughshod  over  any  protests  and  objections 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  207 


of  the  Chinese  which  were  based  upon  conditions 
which  they  did  not  understand.  Manifestly,  the 
Chinese  Government  must  carry  out  in  their 
entirety  its  treaty  obligations,  and  local  ideas 
and  laws  must  give  way  at  any  points  of  conflict. 
But  there  are  wise  and  unwise  ways  by  which  to 
accomplish  this  result.  And  he  who  pushes 
roughly  ahead,  setting  his  heavy  foot  upon  the 
most  sensitive  and  sacred  ideas,  traditions,  and 
prejudices  of  the  Chinese,  may  be  a most  ener- 
getic man  of  business,  but  assuredly  is  not  a 
good  diplomat.  One  success,  won  by  such  proc- 
esses, is  more  harmful  to  the  government  which 
he  represents  than  many  defeats. 

Chinese  of  all  classes  are  proud  and  sensitive  to 
an  extreme  degree.  If  one  of  them,  to  use  their 
own  expressive  idiom,  has  “ lost  his  face  ” — that 
is,  has  been  humiliated  or  put  to  shame — nothing 
can  be  accomplished  with  him  thereafter.  Argu- 
ments, persuasions,  even  apologies,  are  all  wasted. 
He  may  be  overpowered  by  force,  but  he  can 
never  be  won.  And  it  is  simply  astonishing  that 
so  little  regard  has  been  paid  to  the  common 
weaknesses  and  peculiarities  of  human  nature  in 
dealing  with  the  Chinese,  especially  by  diplomat- 
ists, whose  business  it  is,  by  quiet  and  persuasive 
means,  to  win  victories  for  their  own  govern- 
ments, and,  at  the  same  time,  to  keep  the 


208  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


vanquished  good-natured  and  satisfied.  The 
lectures  delivered  by  official  representatives  of 
foreign  powers  to  Chinese  statesmen,  upon  the 
ignorance  and  stupidity  of  the  latter  and  the 
corruption  and  general  worthlessness  of  their 
government,  would  fill  many  volumes.  And  a 
recital  of  the  personal  impertinences,  slights,  and 
examples  of  bad  taste  would  fill  many  more.  The 
United  States  once  removed  one  of  its  ministers 
abroad  from  office  because  he  had  publicly  ac- 
cused an  officer  of  the  government  to  which  he 
was  accredited  with  having  accepted  a bribe. 
When  our  representative,  in  defence  of  his 
conduct,  offered  to  prove  the  truth  of  this 
accusation,  the  Secretary  of  State  quietly  re- 
marked : “ But  it  is  no  part  of  your  duty  to  assert 
or  prove  that  any  member  of  the  government 

of is  venal  or  corrupt.”  Yet  something 

closely  akin  to  the  breach  of  propriety  for  which 
our  minister  was  removed  is  of  frequent  occur- 
rence in  China,  and  no  notice  of  it  is  taken  by 
the  superiors  of  those  who  thus  offend. 

None  of  the  high  officials  at  Peking  or  else- 
where in  the  empire  are  familiar  with  any  other 
language  than  their  own.  Nor  is  the  Chinese 
Foreign  Office  provided  with  a staff  of  compe- 
tent interpreters.  The  treaties  require  that  all 
business  should  be  transacted  in  Chinese.  Each 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  209 


legation  is,  therefore,  required  to  have  its  own 
linguists,  and,  as  a rule,  no  communication  is 
possible  between  the  head  of  any  diplomatic 
establishment  and  the  imperial  authorities  except 
through  a third  person.  The  writer  was  once 
party  to  a conversation  in  which  five  different 
languages  were  necessarily  used  to  enable  two 
distinguished  gentlemen  to  exchange  ideas. 
Interpreters  are  not  always  competent,  or  even 
moderately  well  fitted  for  their  important  duties, 
and  confusion,  embarrassment,  and  serious  mis- 
understandings are  sometimes  the  result.  For- 
eign representatives  have  been  known  to  take 
an  unfair  advantage  of  these  peculiar  conditions, 
and  thus  to  further  complicate  a difficult  situa- 
tion. 

At  a time  when  affairs  between  France  and 
China  were  in  a critical  state,  and  an  acrid 
correspondence  was  in  progress  between  the 
French  Minister  at  Peking  and  the  Foreign 
Office,  a serious  error  in  translation  was  made 
by  the  interpreter  of  the  former.  When  the 
attention  of  the  minister  was  called  to  this  error 
in  a most  courteous  manner  by  the  Chinese 
officials,  he  retorted  that,  as  fault  was  found  with 
his  interpreter,  he  would  send  them  no  more 
despatches  or  correspondence  in  Chinese,  but 
confine  himself  to  the  use  of  his  own  language. 


aio  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


And  this  he  proceeded  to  do.  In  almost  any 
other  court  in  the  world,  this  irascible  and  un- 
reasonable gentleman  would  have  been  quietly 
left  to  cool  himself,  and  to  seek  his  senses  at  his 
leisure,  and,  in  the  meantime,  all  correspondence 
would  have  ceased.  Or,  and  what  is  more  prob- 
able, his  passports  would  have  been  sent  to  him. 
But  the  Chinese  ministers  were  far  too  anxious 
and  timid  to  adopt  this  appropriate  remedy. 
The  situation  was  embarrassing  and  vexatious 
in  the  highest  degree.  They  were  in  daily  receipt 
of  despatches  from  the  angry  Frenchman, 
couched,  doubtless,  in  most  elegant  Parisian,  not 
one  word  of  which  could  they  read.  There  was 
not  in  the  capital  a single  Chinese  whose  knowl- 
edge of  French  could  be  relied  upon,  at  least  in 
a correspondence  of  such  importance.  Under 
these  circumstances,  they  appealed  for  aid  to  an 
official  of  another  legation,  who  readily  came 
to  their  assistance,  and  who  for  months,  unsus- 
pected by  the  French  Minister,  was  the  inter- 
mediary in  all  correspondence  between  him  and 
the  Chinese  Foreign  Office. 

It  ought  to  be  said  in  passing  that,  during 
this  same  crisis  in  the  relations  between  China 
and  France,  a number  of  French  vessels  of  war 
dropped  quietly,  one  by  one,  into  the  harbor  of 
Foo  Chow,  as  is  the  custom  and  right  of  such 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  21 1 


craft  to  visit  the  ports  of  friendly  powers  the 
world  over.  They  lay  there  quietly  among 
vessels  of  other  nationalities  for  several  weeks, 
their  officers  exchanging  visits  with  the  local 
authorities,  as  is  akD  the  custom.  Suddenly, 
one  August  afternoon,  they  opened  fire  upon 
an  extensive  Chinese  arsenal  established  there, 
and  upon  some  Chinese  gunboats  lying  in  the 
harbor,  and  continued  the  bombardment  until 
arsenal  and  ships  were  destroyed,  involving  the 
loss  of  many  lives  and  property  of  great  value. 
No  sufficient  notice  was  given.  The  Chinese 
gunboats  had  not  even  time  to  get  up  their 
anchors,  after  being  warned,  before  they  were  in 
a whirlwind  of  French  shot  and  shell.  War  had 
not  been  declared.  No  state  of  war  existed.  At 
the  very  day  and  hour  when  this  havoc  was 
being  wrought  at  Foo  Chow,  diplomatic  nego- 
tiations were  being  quietly  conducted  at  Peking, 
the  French  Minister  and  his  suite  were  living 
there  in  peace  and  safety,  and  the  Chinese  au- 
thorities were  eagerly  seeking  a reasonable 
adjustment  of  affairs,  offering  mediation,  arbi- 
tration, anything  short  of  abject  submission  to 
the  outrageous  demands  and  plundering  pro- 
clivities of  the  French. 

In  view  of  such  and  many  similar  incidents  of 
greater  or  less  importance,  it  cannot  be  a matter 


2i2  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


of  surprise  to  any  thoughtful  person,  that  what 
we  term  international  law  is  a great  and  hopeless 
puzzle  to  the  Chinese  statesman.  He  hears  it 
constantly  quoted  as  of  universal  acceptance  and 
final  authority.  Yet,  what  with  his  ignorance 
of  its  provisions,  and  the  manner  in  which  it  is 
misquoted,  misapplied,  and  distorted  out  of  all 
recognizable  shape  to  suit  personal  ends,  his 
desire  for  any  further  knowledge  of  it  has  van- 
ished with  his  respect.  In  his  over-anxiety  to 
be  courteous,  he  puts  himself  sometimes  in  the 
wrong.  If  he  fails  to  give  notice  of  some  un- 
important event — such,  for  example,  as  the  clos- 
ing for  a few  hours  of  certain  streets  in  Peking — ■ 
his  attention  is  called  to  this  interference  with 
the  privileges  of  foreign  citizens  or  subjects.  If, 
upon  the  other  hand,  he  gives  a polite  notice,  he 
is  requested  not  to  trouble  the  foreign  represen- 
tatives with  petty  municipal  affairs,  which  do  not 
interest  or  concern  them.  If  he  is  ever  brave 
enough  to  quote  a canon  of  international  law 
in  defence  of  his  own  position  in  any  matter,  he 
is  informed  that  it  does  not  apply.  If  he  objects 
to  a quotation  made  against  him,  he  is  advised, 
in  words  of  polite  and  condescending  patronage, 
that  he  knows  nothing  whatever  upon  the  sub- 
ject. He  hears  a great  deal  about  “ national 
honor,”  connected  generally  with  some  indem- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  213 


nity  demanded  of  him.  Yet,  so  far  as  he  can 
discover,  small  respect  is  paid  either  to  the 
honor  or  integrity  of  the  Chinese  Empire.  He 
keeps  his  hands  scrupulously  out  of  all  national 
or  international  affairs  which  do  not,  from  his 
point  of  view,  concern  his  own  country.  Yet 
he  is  beset  with  advice,  warnings,  and  threats 
about  his  management  of  business  which  is 
strictly  and  solely  Chinese.  And  to  him  diplo- 
macy is  very  much  of  a hornet’s  nest,  in  which 
there  are  innumerable  stings,  but  no  honey. 

Much  of  all  this  was  unavoidable.  Foreign 
governments,  having  forced  themselves  into 
relations  with  China  against  the  will  of  the 
latter,  have  sought  to  tutor  and  bring  her  into 
line  with  the  rest  of  the  civilized  world.  Had 
their  motives  been  purely  unselfish,  had  their 
representatives  at  Peking  been  missionaries  of 
modern  politics,  sociology,  and  civilization,  in- 
stead of  agents  to  further  the  ends  of  greed  for 
gain  and  political  domination,  as  too  many  of 
them  have  been,  the  difficulties  of  the  situation 
would  still  have  been  enormous.  Nor  is  it  to 
be  understood  that  all  diplomats  at  Peking  have 
been  objectionable  to  the  Chinese,  or  have  given 
them  cause  of  complaint.  Many  have  been  true 
friends,  and  have  been  recognized  and  trusted 
as  such.  They,  while  maintaining  the  honor 


ai4  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


and  dignity  of  their  own  governments  and  fully 
protecting  every  interest  committed  to  their 
care,  have  still  had  room  for  sympathy,  patience, 
and  tact  in  all  their  business  relations.  They 
have  realized  that  a foreign  representative  might 
be  a devoted  friend  to  the  Chinese,  and  still 
perform  his  official  duties.  And,  as  might  be 
expected,  these  men,  while  doing  much  for 
China,  have  been  by  far  the  most  valuable  and 
successful  servants  to  their  own  governments. 

The  personal  equation  counts  for  more  in 
Chinese  diplomacy  than  elsewhere.  And  no- 
where else  is  there  to  be  found  such  a fascinating 
study  of  men,  as  well  as  of  international  ques- 
tions. The  Chinese  merchant  studies  his  cus- 
tomer before  he  names  a price  for  his  wares. 
The  Chinese  statesman  thinks  that  he  knows 
how  to  play  upon  all  the  various  chords  which 
influence  human  action.  Yet,  in  many  respects 
he  possesses  the  simplicity  of  a child,  and  there 
is  a never-failing  interest  in  studying  him,  and 
watching  the  effect  of  different  influences 
brought  to  bear  upon  him.  With  all  his  secre- 
tiveness and  reserve,  there  is  a large  amount  of 
transparency  about  him  to  the  experienced 
student.  The  merits  of  a given  question  often 
weigh  far  less  with  him  than  the  shape  and 
manner  of  its  presentation  and  the  personality 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  215 


of  him  who  has  it  in  charge.  Argue  through 
all  the  range  of  mutual  and  international  advan- 
tage, treaty  right,  commercial  benefits,  or  duty, 
dignity,  and  honor,  and  no  effect  is  produced. 
Then  drop  all  argument,  and  seek  the  same 
result  as  a personal  favor,  and  it  is  at  once  and 
graciously  conceded. 

Diplomacy  might  almost  be  defined  as  the 
science  and  art  of  managing  men.  And  what 
has  made  it  to  a large  extent  a failure  in  China, 
a source  of  irritation,  and  a cause  of  difficulties, 
instead  of  a peaceable  means  of  remedy,  has  been 
a lack  of  this  careful  study  of  men  as  well  as  of 
measures. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

CHINESE  OPINION  OF  FOREIGNERS. 

A man’s  home  is  to  him  the  centre  of  the  uni- 
verse. His  country  is  the  best  in  the  world, 
the  state  or  province  in  which  he  lives  is  the  most 
desirable  part  of  his  country,  the  city,  village,  or 
country  cross-roads  where  his  home  is  found  is 
the  finest  and  most  enviable  in  the  State,  and 
even  though  he  lives  miles  from  any  neighbor, 
still  all  things  desirable  revolve  around  him,  and 
those  who  have  the  misfortune  to  reside  else- 
where must  be  lonely  and  out  of  the  world.  He 
may  grumble  and  complain,  suffer  hardship, 
poverty,  and  distresses  of  every  sort,  yet  let  any 
other  man,  either  in  criticism  or  sympathy,  speak 
disparagingly  of  that  little  circle  of  earth  which 
centres  about  him,  and  his  whole  soul  is  up  in 
arms  at  once.  When  absent  from  home,  he  is 
never  weary  of  describing  its  virtues.  He  exag- 
gerates some  of  its  desirable  qualities,  and  invents 
others  which  it  never  possessed.  Nothing  is 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  217 


good  enough  for  him  elsewhere,  because  nothing 
looks,  sounds,  tastes,  smells,  or  feels  like  home. 

This  is  a universal  and  beneficent  trait  of  hu- 
man nature.  Beneficent  because  it  is  the  tap- 
root from  which  spring  many  noble  virtues. 
Public  spirit,  civic  pride,  patriotism,  and  a host 
of  other  manly  qualities,  are  all  the  outgrowths 
of  this  stock.  But  it  may  also  develop  into  pro- 
vincialism, narrowness  of  mind,  and  smallness  of 
soul.  He  who  allows  his  mental  horizon  to  be 
bounded  by  a hundred-acre  farm  and  the  village 
store  and  post-office  is  neither  a good  patriot,  a 
desirable  citizen,  nor  a full-sized  man.  It  is,  per- 
haps, the  most  difficult  of  change  of  all  human 
characteristics.  To  transfer  the  allegiance  of  a 
man  from  one  country  to  another  is,  to  say  the 
least,  quite  as  venturesome  an  experiment  as  to 
transplant  a full-grown  tree.  Those  who  have 
watched  with  attentive  eyes  the  very  slow  proc- 
esses of  assimilation,  by  which  natives  of  foreign 
lands  have  been  transformed  into  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  cannot  have  failed  to  realize  this 
fact.  Frequently  the  original  stock  takes  on  no 
change  whatever,  and  two  or  three  generations 
must  pass  before  the  transfer  of  nationality  is 
completed. 

Few  men  are  sufficiently  broad-minded  or 
philosophic  to  thoroughly  recognize  the  fact  that 


21 8 REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


this  feeling  or  sentiment  of  attachment  to  locality 
is  universal,  is  inherent  in  all  peoples  and  races  of 
men.  Every  man  everywhere  has  it,  and  each 
wonders,  more  or  less  mildly,  why  any  other  man 
should  feel  as  he  does.  The  Englishman  boasts 
that  Great  Britain  is  the  leading  Christian  nation 
upon  the  face  of  the  earth,  and  thinks  the  French- 
man a fool  because  he  refuses  his  assent  to  the 
assertion.  The  Russian  looks  upon  both  with 
scorn  for  their  absurd  and  ignorant  notions. 
The  citizen  of  the  United  States  knows  better 
than  any  of  them.  And  the  Chinaman  regards 
all  men  of  the  West  as  barbarians  who  have  never 
tasted  the  bliss  of  a true  home  in  the  Celestial 
Empire.  Part  of  this  general  feeling  is  pure 
patriotism,  but  a large  and  less  worthy  ingredient 
is  conceit.  The  place  where  each  man  lives  is  the 
best  place,  his  associations  and  surroundings  are 
the  best,  what  he  does,  owns,  or  controls  are  the 
best,  all  because  they  are  parts  of  him. 

From  this  as  a starting  point,  it  is  only  neces- 
sary to  analyze  the  general  Western  opinion  of 
the  Chinese,  to  discover  the  original  Chinese 
opinion  of  foreigners.  As  imitation  is  the  most 
subtle  form  of  flattery,  so  differences  may  be 
reckoned  as  discredits  on  either  side,  and  those 
will  be  accounted  the  worst  traits  in  each  in  which 
they  least  resemble  the  other.  The  ignorance  of 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  219 


each  regarding  the  real  qualities  possessed  by  the 
other  will  serve  to  accentuate  adverse  judgment 
at  every  point.  Little  of  opinion  thus  founded 
is  logical  or  governed  by  good  sense.  But  when 
was  popular  judgment  based  upon  either  reason 
or  knowledge  ? Much  of  it  is  whimsical.  Much 
of  it,  again,  is  determined  by  the  habits,  customs, 
and  taste — or  what  passes  for  taste — of  those 
who  entertain  it.  Much  of  it  is  predicated  upon 
conditions  which  do  not  exist,  and  much  from  a 
careless  and  conceited  disposition  to  condemn 
whatever  is  not  easily  understood. 

To  illustrate  some  of  these  peculiar  qualities  of 
popular  judgment.  We  regard  the  Chinese  with 
contempt  because  they  will  not  fight,  they  abhor 
us  because  we  do.  Neither  opinion  is  justified 
by  the  facts.  We  are  a peace-loving  people,  and 
their  history  abundantly  proves  that  the  Chinese 
will  fight  when  the  occasion  appears  to  them  to 
demand  such  action.  Objection  has  been  made 
in  public  meetings  to  the  presence  of  Chinese  in 
this  land  “ because  they  work  all  the  time.” 
They  are  naturally  industrious  and  frugal,  yet  as 
fond  of  ease  and  pleasure  as  any  race  of  men. 
Shivers  of  horror  have  run  over  the  Western 
world  at  the  universal  practice  of  female  infanti- 
cide among  the  Chinese.  But  no  such  practice 
exists  to  any  noticeable  extent.  We  ridicule 


220  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


their  manner  of  dress,  they  regard  ours  as  inde- 
cent. We  do  not  approve  of  flat  noses  and  slant 
eyes.  They  consider  our  noses,  eyes,  and  hair 
as  deformities.  We  abhor  the  cramped  foot  of 
a Chinese  woman,  and  are  fully  justified  in  the 
feeling.  But  why  should  the  unnatural  waist 
lines  of  a foreign  lady  of  fashion  be  less  objec- 
tionable to  them?  They  have  not  been  educated 
to  regard  the  wasp  an  ideal  of  beauty.  If  we 
dislike  to  see  a female  upon  the  streets  wearing 
baggy  trousers,  why  should  they  approve  a 
lady  having  bare  arms  and  exposed  bosom  and 
back  at  a public  gathering  of  both  sexes  ? Which, 
after  all,  is  more  offensive  to  true  taste  and  genu- 
ine refinement?  And  which  is  the  more  calcu- 
lated to  excite  immorality?  We  live,  possibly  too 
much,  in  the  present  and  future,  they  far  too  ex- 
clusively in  the  past.  But  their  dignity  and  re- 
pose of  manner  are  not  wholly  bad,  nor  are  our 
eager  rush  and  rapid  transit,  from  one  source  of 
excitement  to  another,  wholly  good.  It  is  easy 
to  deliver  epigrammatic  flings  at  the  Chinese. 
But  epigrams  are  seldom  just,  and  hence  are  dan- 
gerous as  the  basis  of  any  judgment.  A quieter 
but  more  accurate  mutual  knowledge  is  much  to 
be  desired. 

As  far  back  as  Chinese  opinion  of  foreigners 
can  be  traced,  it  is  founded  upon  the  narrow 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  221 


grounds  of  national  egotism  and  vanity,  inter- 
mingled with  another  element  to  be  mentioned 
later.  When  the  first  specimens  of  the  men  of 
the  West  reached  her  shores,  China  was  the  iso- 
lated centre  of  a world  which  she  knew  and  ruled. 
She  was,  in  every  regard,  the  superior  of  all  races 
and  tribes  of  men  about  her.  They  deferred  to 
her  authority,  accepted  her  moral  and  intellectual 
superiority,  and  shaped  themselves  and  their  in- 
stitutions upon  the  model  which  she  furnished. 
They  borrowed  her  language,  literature,  knowl- 
edge, and  civilization,  and  in  these  and  a va- 
riety of  other  ways,  worshipped  at  the  shrine  of 
her  overweening  conceit  and  pride. 

The  Chinese  had  heard  of  various  tribes  exist- 
ing in  the  far  West,  and  there  is  reason  to  believe 
that  similar  rumors  of  races  of  men  upon  the 
American  continent  had  reached  them.  These 
were  all  described  as  creatures  of  a very  low  or- 
der of  humanity,  ill-shaped  and  grotesque  in  ap- 
pearance, hiding  in  dens  and  caves  of  the  earth, 
feeding  upon  roots  and  herbs,  and  lacking  nearly 
every  mark  which  discriminates  a man  from  a 
beast.  Pictures  of  them  were  drawn  and  circu- 
lated throughout  the  empire,  hideous  and  repul- 
sive to  a point  beyond  description.  When  later 
years  brought  examples  of  these  human  mon- 
strosities to  China,  and  imagination  was  corrected 


222  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


by  sight,  their  forms  and  faces  still  remained 
ugly,  their  dress  uncouth,  their  language  a hope- 
less jargon,  and  their  manners  rude  and  offensive. 
Their  mental  qualities  took  on  much  of  the  ill- 
favor  which  had  been  removed  from  their  physi- 
cal appearance  by  personal  contact  and  acquaint- 
ance. 

The  Chinese  of  those  days  are  represented 
by  a Roman  writer  “ as  singularly  frugal,  quiet, 
and  tranquil,  unwarlike  and  averse  to  the  use  of 
arms.”  Those  who  came  among  them  were 
greedy  for  gain,  indifferent  to  the  means  by  which 
it  was  secured,  preferring  plunder  and  open  vio- 
lence to  a slow  and  unexciting  traffic.  When, 
still  later,  they  came  in  considerable  numbers  and 
of  different  nationalities,  they  quarrelled,  fought, 
and  murdered  among  themselves,  or  made  the 
Chinese  the  objects  of  joint  robbery.  There  was 
nothing  in  their  conduct  to  indicate  any  of  that 
civilization,  or  regard  for  the  rights  of  others, 
which  had  been  universal  in  China  for  centuries. 
It  is  impossible  to  determine  which  the  natives  of 
the  empire  detested  the  more,  the  appearance  of 
these  intruders  or  their  conduct.  A Chinese 
writer  describes  one  body  of  Europeans  who 
reached  Canton  about  a.d.  1506,  as  follows:  “ At 
about  this  time  also,  the  Hollanders,  who  in  an- 
cient times  inhabited  a wild  territory,  and  had  no 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  223 


intercourse  with  China,  came  to  Macao  in  two  or 
three  large  ships.  Their  clothes  and  their  hair 
were  red;  their  bodies  tall;  they  had  blue  eyes, 
sunk  deep  in  their  heads.  Their  feet  were  one 
cubit  and  two-tenths  long;  and  they  frightened 
the  people  by  their  strange  appearance.” 

It,  of  course,  was  not  to  be  expected  that  these 
early  wanderers  to  China,  who,  in  the  main,  were 
pirates  and  freebooters,  should  exhibit  any  of 
the  higher  traits  or  amenities  of  civilization.  It 
may  have  been  unjust  upon  the  part  of  the  Chi- 
nese to  accept  them  as  representative  types  of  the 
nations  to  which  they  belonged,  and  to  condemn 
all  Europeans  for  the  acts  of  a comparatively  few 
unprincipled  men.  But  that  is  the  common 
course  throughout  the  world — to  judge  the  many 
by  the  few.  And  before  Americans  censure  the 
Chinese  in  such  a matter,  it  would  be  wise  for 
them  to  consider  what  is  their  own  practice  in  a 
similar  direction.  For  example,  the  American 
opinion  of  the  hundreds  of  millions  of  the  Chinese 
is  determined  by  the  appearance  and  conduct  of 
the  small  number  of  the  race  who  are  found  in 
this  country  as  laborers.  Yet  they  belong  to  the 
lowest  class  in  the  empire,  and  come  exclusively 
from  a narrow  area  near  Canton.  They  furnish 
no  fair  example  of  the  Chinese  race.  The  aver- 
age American  regards  China  as  a nation  of  laun- 


224  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


drymen.  But  it  is  doubtful  whether  there  is  a 
single  public  laundry  in  the  empire  supported  by 
natives.  The  Chinese  do  not  wash  their  linen  at 
too  frequent  intervals,  and  this  sanitary  operation 
is  always  performed  in  the  privacy  of  home. 

The  government  and  people  of  China  rested 
their  opinion  of  all  Europeans  upon  the  conduct 
of  these  first  specimens  of  the  men  of  the  West 
which  they  had  seen,  and  that  opinion  has  re- 
mained, unchanged  in  substance,  to  the  present 
day.  It  is  not  strange  that  they  bestowed  the 
title  of  barbarians  upon  them,  fior  that,  when  they 
dared,  they  treated  them  in  a manner  befitting  the 
title.  The  Chinese  opinion  and  rule  of  conduct 
toward  foreigners  is  summed  up  in  an  order 
which  has  been  thus  translated  by  Premaire: 
“ The  barbarians  are  beasts,  and  not  to  be  ruled 
on  the  same  principles  as  subjects  of  China. 
Were  any  one  to  attempt  to  control  them  by  the 
great  maxims  of  reason,  it  would  lead  to  nothing 
but  confusion.  The  ancient  kings  well  under- 
stood this,  and  accordingly  ruled  barbarians  by 
misrule;  therefore  to  rule  barbarians  by  mis- 
rule is  the  best  and  true  way  to  govern  them.”  It 
is  a curious  fact  that  substantially  the  same  rule 
of  treatment  of  foreigners  was  current  in  Eng- 
land, and  throughout  the  continent  of  Europe,  at 
about  the  same  time. 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  225 


s 

The  cowardly  and  obsequious  demeanor  of 
other  foreigners,  as  absurd  and  degrading  as  that 
of  the  freebooters  was  brutal  and  inhuman, 
tended  still  further  to  confirm  the  Chinese  in  their 
opinion  that  the  Western  foreigner  was  a beast 
and  deserved  only  beastly  treatment.  Their  only 
anxiety  was  for  trade,  or,  from  the  Chinese  stand- 
point, the  chance  of  making  money.  Granted 
this,  they  were  ready  to  submit  to  any  cere- 
monials, however  degrading;  to  accomplish  it, 
they  were  willing  to  sacrifice  personal  or  national 
honor,  dignity,  and  self-respect.  The  Dutch 
were  peculiarly  conspicuous  in  this  direction. 
After  earlier  missions  sent  to  Peking  to  further 
trade,  missions  the  heads  of  which  had  prostrated 
themselves  upon  their  hands  and  knees  before  the 
Emperor,  before  his  vacant  chair,  and  before  any 
official,  high  or  low,  who  cared  to  exact  this  mark 
of  submission  from  them,  the  climax  of  degrada- 
tion was  reached  in  a.d.  1795.  It  was  then  de- 
cided by  the  Dutch  Government  to  send  a special 
embassy  to  Peking  to  congratulate  the  Emperor, 
Chien  Lung,  upon  reaching  the  sixtieth  year  of  his 
reign,  and,  of  course,  to  obtain  better  facilities 
for  trade.  The  members  of  this  embassy  made 
the  long  overland  journey  to  the  Chinese  capital 
in  midwinter,  subjected  everywhere  en  route  to 
treatment  as  criminals.  They  were,  while  in  Pe- 


226  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


king,  the  mountebanks  of  the  court,  which 
amused  itself  at  their  expense,  requiring  them  to 
perform  “ the  nine  prostrations  ” before  every 
person  and  everything  as  the  whim  seized  them. 
The  Dutch  Minister  and  the  members  of  his  suite 
were  required  to  exhibit  their  agility  upon  skates, 
for  the  pleasure  of  the  Emperor  and  members  of 
the  Imperial  Family.  As  a special  mark  of  favor, 
they  were  presented  with  a mess  of  broken  vic- 
tuals, which  not  only  came  from  the  Emperor’s 
table,  but  bore  the  marks  of  his  teeth.  This  re- 
past was  sent  to  them  upon  a dirty  plate,  and,  as 
a member  of  the  embassy  says,  “ appeared  rather 
destined  to  feed  a dog  than  to  serve  as  food  for 
a human  being.”  They  were  never  permitted  to 
speak  a word  about  business,  and  accomplished 
nothing  whatever  beyond  confirming  the  Chinese 
idea  of  the  beastly  nature  of  foreigners. 

It  is  a conspicuous  fact  that,  at  the  first  con- 
tact of  the  European  races  with  the  aborigines  of 
the  American  continent  and  the  islands  of  the 
Pacific  Ocean,  the  latter  ascribed  supernatural 
power  to  their  visitors,  and,  in  some  instances, 
sought  to  worship  them  as  gods.  Though  the 
Chinese  do  not  form  the  aboriginal  race  of  that 
portion  of  the  Asiatic  continent  occupied  by 
them,  they  have  always  manifested  a similar  feel- 
ing, though  perhaps  in  a less  degree,  toward 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  227 


Western  foreigners.  It  is  unnecessary  to  in- 
quire into  the  cause  of  this  peculiar  notion.  It 
exists  and  has  exercised  a marked  effect  upon 
their  opinions  and  conduct.  Intensely  super- 
stitious themselves,  they  have  credited  the  Ameri- 
can and  European  with  the  possession  of  powers 
over,  or  allied  to,  the  mysterious  influences  which 
surround  them,  as  they  believe,  upon  every  side, 
and  which  they  fear  and  hate.  It  is  not  to  be 
expected  that  such  vague  suspicions  and  ridicu- 
lous ideas  should  have  been  reduced  to  any  exact 
statement  or  definite  belief.  They  have  only  ma- 
terialized to  a point  where  they  can  be  recognized 
as  invariably  hostile  to  the  Chinese.  Indeed,  the 
Chinese  demonology  appears  to  include  no 
friendly  spirits  or  influences.  None  are  sup- 
posed to  act  beneficently.  All  are  to  be  placated, 
appeased,  or  thwarted,  none  are  to  be  sought 
after  or  desired.  Hence,  if  the  Western  for- 
eigner was  a beast,  he  was  an  uncanny  beast;  if 
he  was  a barbarian,  his  energies  and  powers  ex- 
tended beyond  ordinary  human  limits,  and  always 
in  a direction  harmful  to  others.  He  was  past- 
master  in  all  the  evil  forces  of  the  black  art, 
magic,  hypnotism,  and  diablery  of  every  kind. 

A singular  proof  of  the  extent  to  which  this  un- 
complimentary notion  of  foreign  energy  and 
power  has  gained  credence  in  China  is  found  in 


228  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


one  of  the  pretensions  of  the  leaders  of  the  so- 
called  Boxer  movement.  They  claimed  to  have 
stolen  the  foreigners’  secret,  and  to  confer  upon 
such  as  joined  their  organization  supernatural 
influences  superior  to  those  which  the  men  of  the 
West  possess,  and  which  should  render  the  pos- 
sessor invulnerable  to  sword  thrust  or  bullet. 
They  thus  proposed,  by  the  use  of  the  foreigners’ 
own  imaginary  weapons,  to  destroy  them  or  drive 
them  out  of  China.  Public  exhibitions  of  the 
protection  afforded  by  these  magic  arts  were 
given,  and,  by  means  of  some  claptrap  which 
must  have  been  known  to  the  leaders,  were  ap- 
parently successful.  The  masses  of  the  people 
were  completely  deceived,  and  were  given  false 
courage  and  confidence.  Probably  one-half  of 
the  Boxer  following  was  secured  by  means  of 
these  assurances. 

This  idea  of  a supernatural  power,  possessed 
by  foreigners,  may  not  have  originated  in  the 
conduct  of  the  early  Christian  monks  and  friars 
who  wandered  into  China,  but  is  not  unlikely  to 
have  been  strengthened  by  their  pretensions  and 
practices.  They  carried  the  bones  of  saints  and 
martyrs  with  them,  and  claimed  possession  of 
the  power  to  work  miracles.  Hardly  less  igno- 
rant and  superstitious  than  the  Chinese,  whom 
they  sought  to  convert  from  superstition  to  re- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  229 


ligion,  they  attributed  all  things  which  were  be- 
yond their  comprehension  to  the  powers  of  evil, 
and  by  charms,  relics  and  crosses,  sought  to 
check  the  further  encroachments  of  what  they 
believed  to  be  the  forces  of  hell.  Amazed  at  the 
number  and  wealth  of  the  temples,  and  dis- 
tressed at  the  power  of  the  idols  over  the  minds 
of  the  people,  they  appealed,  not  to  a better 
knowledge,  but  to  the  same  order  of  super- 
stitious notions  which  created  the  temples  and 
gave  the  idols  their  authority.  They  thus  estab- 
lished in  the  minds  of  the  natives  the  idea  of  a 
species  of  rivalry  between  the  forces  supposed  to 
emanate  from  heathen  shrines  and  gods  and 
those  which  constituted  the  attributes  of  a for- 
eign divinity. 

Much  was  said  and  done  of  a character  di- 
rectly calculated  to  foster  this  idea.  The  Bud- 
dhists enlarged  their  repertoire  by  the  addition 
of  a Goddess  of  Mercy  in  opposition  to  the 
Virgin  Mary,  and  a most  horrible  and  effec- 
tive hell.  The  monks  and  friars  increased  the 
number  of  their  saints  and  images,  and  broad- 
ened the  scope  of  their  powers.  But  they  car- 
ried with  them  no  true  education  and  little  gen- 
uine enlightenment.  This  rendered  impossible 
the  permanence  of  any  valuable  work  which  they 
might  do.  And  it  may  be  that,  in  the  absence  of 


23o  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


any  other  visible  results  of  early  Christian  pros- 
elytism  in  China,  this  absurd  notion  of  a mys- 
tical power  attaching  to  all  foreigners  remains  as 
the  sole  surviving  fruit  of  their  zeal,  self-denial 
and  heroic,  though  ignorant,  labors. 

The  foregoing  sums  up  what  may  be  termed 
the  original  ideas  regarding  the  people  of  the 
West,  as  those  ideas  were  current  in  China. 
They  were  the  reverse  of  complimentary,  which 
was  the  more  unfortunate,  since  they  were  held 
by  a race  immense  in  numbers  and,  as  things 
then  were,  high  in  the  scale  of  cultivation  and 
refinement. 

The  Chinese  policy  of  seclusion  was  the  neces- 
sary and  inevitable  sequence  to  such  ideas.  It 
was  by  no  means  an  arbitrary,  unreasonable  dic- 
tum. There  is  abundant  evidence,  some  of 
which  is  given  elsewhere  in  this  volume,  that  the 
Chinese  were  naturally  receptive  of  all  forms  of 
knowledge,  sent  embassies  abroad  in  search  of  it, 
welcomed  new  theories  and  practices  with  their 
professors  and  apostles,  and  that  China  was 
freely  open  to  theorist,  priest,  traveller,  mer- 
chant, and  every  other  respectable  wanderer. 
China  was  then  not  a laggard  but  a leader  in  all 
the  more  quiet  forms  of  progress.  She  tested 
and  exploded  impracticable  schemes  then,  as  we 
do  now.  Seven  hundred  years  ago,  the  Chinese 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  231 


Government  experimented  with  an  irredeemable 
paper  currency,  and  learned  then,  what  some 
would-be-wise  Western  men  are  still  disputing, 
that  it  drove  all  gold  and  silver  money  out  of  the 
country. 

The  doors  of  the  empire  were  never  closed 
against  neighbors  upon  either  side.  Friendly 
and  commercial  relations  with  all  the  Asiatic 
nations,  races  and  tribes  have  existed,  with  tem- 
porary interruptions  caused  by  war,  since  the  be- 
ginning of  Chinese  history.  It  was  not  the  for- 
eigner against  whom  the  empire  was  shut,  but  the 
Western  foreigner.  And  in  taking  this  line  of 
policy,  China  acted  as  would  other  nations  under 
like  circumstances.  She  judged  the  many  whom 
she  had  never  seen  by  the  few  whom  she  saw. 
She  condemned  all  Western  nations,  because  of 
the  few  unwholesome  specimens  who  came 
clamoring  and  ravaging  to  her  shores.  Their 
appearance,  manners,  dress,  conduct — every- 
thing about  them — confirmed  Chinese  vanity, 
arrogance,  and  every  other  absurd  and  exalted 
notion  of  themselves,  and  excited  contempt,  fear 
and  hate  of  these  straggling  monstrosities,  as 
they  seemed  to  native  eyes,  from  the  remote 
parts  of  the  earth.  Hence  came  Chinese  seclu- 
sion. 

With  such  a groundwork,  little  could  be  ex- 


232  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


pected  of  the  superstructure  of  modern  Chinese 
opinion  of  Western  foreigners.  Under  the  most 
favorable  conditions  of  intercourse,  with  all  pos- 
sible mutual  conciliation  and  forbearance,  gen- 
erations must  have  passed  before  the  old  misap- 
prehensions could  have  been  removed,  and  con- 
tempt and  fear  given  place  to  respect  and  kindly 
regard.  The  Chinese  are  slow  to  abandon  preju- 
dice, and  much  tact,  patience,  and  manifest  open- 
handed  generosity  of  feeling  would  have  been 
called  into  exercise  before  the  old  barrier  wall 
could  have  been  torn  down  and  any  desirable  re- 
lationship have  been  brought  into  existence. 

Most  unfortunately,  no  such  conditions  have 
been  fulfilled.  True,  the  Chinese  have  learned 
very  much  of  foreigners  during  "the  past  sixty 
years.  But  it  has  been  an  unwelcome  study  upon 
their  part,  which  of  itself  would  go  far  to  pre- 
vent any  favorable  results.  They  have  been 
taught,  to  their  bitter  sorrow,  the  aggressive 
force  and  persistent  determination  of  Western 
governments,  and  the  power  of  the  latter  to 
effect  their  will.  They  have  had  many  object 
lessons  in  Western  civilization  set  before  them, 
some  of  the  highest  and  best  type,  and  others  of 
the  lowest,  most  repulsive  and  degrading.  They 
have  discovered,  or  think  that  they  have  discov- 
ered, which  amounts  to  the  same,  the  underlying 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  233 


motive  and  purpose  of  all  Western  anxieties 
upon  their  account,  and  conduct  toward  them. 
And  they  have  at  least  recognized  the  necessity 
of  borrowing  one  Western  idea — the  develop- 
ment of  the  resources  of  the  empire  in  the  line 
and  direction  of  self-defence. 

It  must  be  constantly  kept  in  mind  that  the 
Chinese  look  at  all  these — men,  manners,  the- 
ories, and  things — through  their  own  eyes.  And 
they  reach  their  own  conclusions  from  their  own 
standpoints.  That  they  are  often  mistaken,  con- 
stantly misled,  and  chronically  ignorant  upon 
many  points,  goes  without  saying.  They  suspect 
their  most  faithful  friends,  reject  unselfish  coun- 
sel, to  fall  the  next  moment  into  some  selfish 
trap,  listen  when  they  ought  to  be  deaf,  and 
speak  when  silence  would  be  wisdom.  It  is  no 
part  of  the  scope  of  this  volume  to  blame  or  de- 
fend them,  but,  so  far  as  a foreigner  may,  to 
faithfully  portray  their  ideas  and  feelings,  and 
the  effect  of  the  various  forms  of  Western  asso- 
ciation and  intercourse  upon  them.  And  it  must 
be  admitted  that  this  effect,  upon  the  whole,  has 
been  to  harden  and  intensify  the  original  anti- 
foreign  feeling  of  the  Chinese,  and  to  give  it  a 
broader  and  more  positive  foundation.  What 
they  once  inferred,  they  claim  now  to  know.  The 
reasons  for  this  unfortunate  result  are  not  far  to 


234  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


seek.  Some  of  them  are  detailed  in  separate 
chapters  of  this  volume,  others  must  be  men- 
tioned here. 

The  entire  Western  atmosphere,  so  to  speak, 
is  intensely  repugnant  to  the  Chinese.  They 
have  never  understood  nor  admitted  that  the 
main  purpose  for  which  governments  were 
created  was  to  foster  commerce  and  money- 
making. From  their  view-point,  that  is  the  petty 
business  of  petty  men,  with  which  emperors, 
kings,  and  presidents  should  not  interfere. 
Forced  to  submit  to  a limitation  of  her  natural 
rights  to  regulate  her  foreign  trade,  and  thus  to 
an  interference  with  the  revenue  therefrom,  the 
constant  pressure  for  the  removal  of  restrictions 
and  greater  trade  facilities  has  been  peculiarly 
irritating  to  China.  She  has  been  able  to  see 
nothing  in  it  all  but  utter  selfishness,  and  a de- 
termination to  force  schemes,  profitable  to  the 
foreigner,  upon  her,  regardless  of  any  detrimental 
effect  upon  the  empire.  She  believes  that,  while 
foreigners  talk  much  and  advise  generously 
about  the  development  of  China,  they  only  de- 
sire such  development  along  those  specific  lines 
which  will  place  her  more  hopelessly  in  their 
power  and  make  her  more  profitable  to  them. 
She  believes  that  the  governments  of  the  West 
regard  China  as  a somewhat  refractory  but  timid 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  235 


cow,  to  be  forced  to  stand  and  be  milked  so  long 
as  milking  proves  remunerative,  and  then,  per- 
haps, to  be  slaughtered  and  quartered  for  beef. 
The  Chinese  have  failed  to  discover,  in  all  the 
discussions  with  their  officials,  or  concerning  the 
empire  and  found  in  print,  little  broad-minded, 
unselfish  regard  for  Chinese  interests.  What, 
irrespective  of  all  other  interests,  would  be  best 
for  China,  is  a question  seldom  considered.  They 
know,  or  think  they  know,  that  the  inquiry: 
u What  shall  be  done  with  China?  ” is  in  every 
man’s  mouth,  while  very  few  are  sufficiently  gen- 
erous to  desire  that  China  should  take  herself 
into  her  own  hands,  work  out  her  own  problems, 
and  determine  her  own  destiny. 

The  Chinese  are  still  unaccustomed  to  the 
world  of  to-day.  They  do  not  realize  that  this  is 
an  age  of  trade  competition  and  rivalry,  so  in- 
tense and  absorbing  that  great  political  govern- 
ments, with  their  armies  and  navies,  are  substan- 
tially reduced  to  immense  and  complicated 
machines  for  the  furtherance  of  commerce  and 
the  accumulation  of  coin.  They  do  not  under- 
stand the  logic  or  principle  under  which  im- 
mense territories  are  seized,  their  inhabitants  de- 
prived of  the  right  to  govern  themselves,  how- 
ever badly,  according  to  their  own  notions,  in 
order  to  furnish  a new  “ channel  of  commerce,” 


2j6  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


a fresh  mine  of  gold,  to  any  government  strong 
enough  to  seize  and  hold  them.  But  the  Chi- 
nese are  very  old-fashioned. 

There  is,  unfortunately,  abundant  reason  for 
the  conclusion  reached  by  the  Chinese  regarding 
the  selfish  character  of  the  interest  taken  in  their 
country  by  Western  governments  and  men. 
Every  person  who  can  read  or  hear,  in  Europe 
or  America,  is  aware  that  the  question  of  the 
division  of  China  between  four  great  Powers  has 
been  generally  discussed  in  recent  years.  The 
Chinese  are  not  so  doltish  and  ignorant  that  they 
fail  to  know  this.  It  is  not  to  be  expected  that 
they  could  see  any  other  purpose  in  the  scheme 
than  national  greed.  And,  as  they  are  human 
beings,  the  fact  of  such  a discussion  excites  the 
same  feelings  in  them  as  it  would  in  any  other 
nation.  When  Chinese  viceroy  after  viceroy  is 
urged  to  reorganize  and  strengthen  the  Chinese 
army,  because  in  its  present  condition  it  cannot 
afford  sufficient  police  protection  for  foreign 
trade,  and  in  the  same  breath  is  warned  against 
Russia,  he  knows,  without  an  introduction,  that 
his  adviser  is  an  Englishman.  And  he  recog- 
nizes only  too  plainly  the  underlying  motive  of 
the  advice.  When,  again,  he  is  told  to  beware 
of  Great  Britain,  that  France  and  Russia  are  the 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  237 


only  true  friends  of  China,  he  smiles  quietly  and 
draws  his  own  conclusions. 

And  the  Chinese  are  not  amiss  in  their  conclu- 
sion that  the  great  European  Powers  desire  the 
development  of  the  empire  only  in  such  ways  as 
would  serve  their  selfish  purposes  and  increase 
the  profits  of  their  merchants.  This  has  been 
demonstrated  over  and  over  again.  The  writer 
was  once  a fellow-passenger  upon  a railway-train 
in  Japan,  with  four  diplomatists  representing 
European  governments  at  Tokio.  In  the  course 
of  general  conversation,  the  writer  remarked  that 
such  and  such  a line  of  action  upon  the  part  of 
China  and  Japan  would  best  tend  to  the  develop- 
ment of  those  countries  into  great  nations. 
Whereupon  the  representative  of  one  of  the 
leading  European  Powers  replied : “ But,  mon- 
sieur, it  is  not  the  policy  of  my  government  to 
permit  the  growth  of  China  or  Japan  into  a first- 
class  power.”  To  which  the  other  diplomats 
gave  assent. 

The  shrewd  statesmen  of  Japan  have  recog- 
nized the  existence  of  this  purely  selfish  Euro- 
pean policy  for  years.  Her  opposition  to  the 
dismemberment  of  China  is  based  largely  upon 
it.  She  desires  no  more  of  them  for  near  neigh- 
bors. And,  as  long  ago  as  1881,  one  of  her  most 


238  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


distinguished  officials,  in  informal  conversation, 
urged  an  alliance  between  the  United  States, 
Japan,  and  China,  to  guarantee  the  autonomy  of 
Corea,  and  to  prevent  further  encroachments  of 
Europe  upon  Asiatic  territory. 

Early  in  1896,  the  Emperor  of  China  sent  his 
distinguished  ambassador,  Li  Hung  Chang,  to 
various  foreign  countries,  charged  with  two  mis- 
sions. He  was  to  represent  his  Imperial  Master 
at  the  coronation  of  the  Czar  of  Russia  in  Mos- 
cow, and  he  was  to  thank  the  governments  of 
Russia,  Germany,  France,  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States  for  their  recent  kindly  offices  dur- 
ing the  war  between  China  and  Japan.  The  emi- 
nent Chinese  was  received  everywhere  with  the 
utmost  favor.  He  was  dined,  feted,  and  caressed 
by  Chambers  of  Commerce  and  Boards  of  Trade. 
The  freedom  of  cities  and  towns  was  bestowed 
upon  him  by  Lord  Mayors  and  Aldermen.  Money 
was  spent  like  water,  and  attentions  of  every  sort 
were  showered  upon  him.  But  presently  a mur- 
mur arose,  which  grew  into  a wail  louder  and 
more  angry  than  the  “ sounding  sea.”  It 
started  in  Germany,  swept  over  France  and  Bel- 
gium, crossed  the  Channel,  echoed  throughout 
Great  Britain,  and  finally  found  articulate  voice 
in  the  issue  of  the  London  Times  of  a certain 
date  in  August,  which  said : “ His  Excellency,  Li 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  239 


Hung  Chang,  sailed  yesterday  from  Southamp- 
ton for  New  York  without  having  negotiated  a 
loan,  or  having  made  a contract  of  any  sort,  in 
Europe.” 

Naturally  sequent  to  the  objectionable  spirit 
just  described  is  an  air  of  patronage  and  pro- 
prietorship which  greatly  offends  the  Chinese. 
No  people  claim  more  strenuously  the  sole  own- 
ership and  control  of  their  native  land  than  these 
Orientals.  And  none  believe  more  absolutely  in 
their  right  to  do  so.  They  are  much  given  them- 
selves to  vanity  and  a patronizing  manner.  And 
they  are  correspondingly  keen  to  detect  and 
quick  to  resent  it  in  others.  It  is,  in  general, 
only  an  impalpable  and  indescribable  something 
which  is  none  the  less  exasperating  to  the  Chi- 
nese because  it  cannot  be  pointed  out  in  definite 
acts,  and  hence  objected  to  in  exact  language. 
At  times,  however,  it  is  manifested  in  rudeness 
toward  officials,  lofty  disregard  of  the  preju- 
dices, feelings,  and  rights  of  the  common  people, 
and  positive  brutality  toward  native  servants. 
To  kick  a Chinaman  if  he  gets  in  the  way,  knock 
him  down  if  he  is  impudent,  or  take  a club  to  a 
stupid  or  refractory  servant,  are,  as  the  Chinese 
claim,  practically  held  to  be  among  the  rights, 
privileges  and  liberties  of  foreigners  resident  in 
the  Celestial  Empire.  Satisfaction  is  seldom  or 


24o  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


never  obtained  for  such  outrages.  And  the  ex- 
tent to  which  they  prejudice  the  masses  of  the 
people  against  everything  foreign  is  very  much 
underestimated.  Those  who  indulge  in  such 
misconduct  can  only  be  dealt  with  through  their 
own  officials.  If  they  are  punished  the  fact  is 
little  likely  to  be  known.  And  this  aggravates 
the  feeling  of  anger  and  resentment. 

An  official  connected  with  one  of  the  Peking 
legations  refused  to  make  a contribution  for  the 
relief  of  the  sufferers  from  a horrible  famine  in 
China,  upon  the  ground  that  it  was  sent  to  relieve 
the  empire  of  a swarm  of  human  vermin.  An- 
other, upon  being  congratulated  that  a servant 
of  his  had  escaped  from  a fall  with  no  more  se- 
rious injury  than  a broken  leg,  demurred,  and  ex- 
pressed the  wish  that  the  servant  had  broken  his 
neck.  When  he  was  asked  for  an  explanation,  he 
said : “ If  he  had  been  killed,  it  would  have  cost 
only  three  dollars  for  a pine  coffin,  but  now  it 
will  be  necessary  to  pay  twenty-five  dollars  for 
medical  attendance.” 

It  must  not  be  understood  that  these  inhuman 
ideas  represent  the  feeling  of  a majority  of  for- 
eigners in  China  toward  the  natives.  But  they 
are  far  too  common.  And,  in  China  as  else- 
where, the  entire  class  is  injured,  in  the  good 
esteem  of  the  natives,  by  acts  or  expressions  of 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  241 


brutality  upon  the  part  of  an  individual.  An 
incident  in  which  just  punishment  was  inflicted 
for  ill-treatment  may  be  given  here,  as  serving  to 
prove  that  justice  is  sometimes  done  the  Chinese 
in  such  cases,  and  also  as  showing  the  amusing 
forms  which  the  native  spirit  of  commercialism 
will  sometimes  take.  A Chinese  servant  in 
Shanghai,  better  informed  in  the  means  of  pro- 
tection afforded  him  than  a majority  of  his 
class,  caused  his  master  to  be  arrested  for  beat- 
ing and  kicking  him.  The  case  was  tried  before 
the  consul,  the  facts  were  proved,  and  the  master 
was  fined  twenty-five  dollars,  which  sum  was 
paid  to  the  servant  as  a healing  salve  for  his 
wounds  and  bruises.  Immediately  an  epidemic 
of  insolence,  idleness,  inattention  to  duty  and 
general  worthlessness  swept  over  the  entire  mass 
of  Chinese  servants  in  Shanghai.  They  were 
saucy,  abusive,  insulting  to  their  masters  and 
mistresses.  They  were  careless,  slovenly  and 
destructive  of  everything  which  came  into  their 
hands.  Reproof,  mild  or  sharp,  had  no  effect. 
They  rather  seemed  to  desire  and  court  it,  and  to 
strive  to  provoke  their  employers  to  violence. 
Violence  was  often  the  result,  then  came  a 
prompt  complaint,  arrest,  and  a fine  of  twenty- 
five  dollars  for  the  benefit  of  the  servant.  Cases 
increased  rapidly  before  the  foreign  courts.  But 


242  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


as  soon  as  a magistrate,  better  skilled  in  Chinese 
character,  caused  the  fine  to  be  paid  into  court, 
instead  of  handing  it  over  to  the  lacerated  do- 
mestic, the  entire  business  at  once  ceased.  It  had 
been  created  by  the  discovery  that  a Chinaman 
of  the  servant  class  could  earn  twenty-five  dol- 
lars in  no  way  so  quickly,  and  with  so  little  labor, 
as  by  being  kicked.  Hence  he  sought  for  that 
form  of  exercise  with  its  financial  results. 

The  Chinese  complain  that  this  air  of  proprie- 
torship is  constantly  manifested  in  unreasonable 
demands  and  impertinent  criticisms,  in  denuncia- 
tion of  any  of  their  officials  who  manifest  a dis- 
position to  protect  native  interests,  and  that  it 
practically  amounts  to  a refusal  to  recognize 
China  as  the  property  of  the  Chinese.  They  ob- 
ject, perhaps  unreasonably,  against  the  applica- 
tion to  their  empire  of  those  two  well-known  dec- 
larations, said  to  have  been  made  by  the  unani- 
mous voice  of  a religious  body : “ Resolved,  that 
the  righteous  shall  inherit  the  earth.  Resolved, 
that  we  are  the  righteous.” 

A somewhat  curious  comment  upon  and  justi- 
fication of  this  protest  and  complaint  is  to  be 
found  in  the  recent  division  of  China  among  the 
four  great  European  Powers  into  “ spheres  of 
interest.”  The  debate  and  correspondence  over 
jthe  “ open  door  ” may  also  be  appropriately  con- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  243 


sidered  in  the  same  connection.  And  if  further 
enlightenment  is  desirable  as  to  the  grounds  of 
this  feeling  among  the  Chinese,  the  reader  should 
refer  to  the  utterances  of  the  foreign  press,  both 
in  China  and  in  Western  lands.  A distinguished 
viceroy  has  been  criticised  with  great  bitterness, 
called  a traitor  and  by  other  abusive  names,  in 
particular,  because  of  a single  utterance.  He  is 
charged  with  having  said:  “We  should  use  the 
foreigner,  and  not  allow  the  foreigner  to  use  us.” 
Yet  if  those  identical  words  had  fallen  from  the 
lips  of  any  high  official  in  America  or  Europe, 
they  would  have  been  caught  up,  inscribed  upon 
banners,  and  quoted  everywhere  as  the  highest 
expression  of  patriotic  statesmanship. 

It  hardly  need  be  said  that  failures  of  justice 
upon  the  part  of  foreign  courts  in  China,  trivial 
punishments  inflicted  for  grave  crimes,  and  es- 
capes from  deserved  penalties  upon  some  legal 
technicality,  have  done  much  to  embitter  the 
masses  of  the  Chinese.  They  may  have  little  law, 
but  they  have  stern  and  summary  means  of  jus- 
tice or  vengeance,  whichever  they  should  be 
called,  and  are  not  slow  to  apply  these  means 
whenever  they  see  fit  to  do  so.  Mobs  and  riots 
have  resulted  in  China  from  what  the  people  have 
believed  to  be  utter  disregard,  by  foreign  officers 
of  justice,  of  their  rights  of  property  and  life. 


244  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


An  American  was  arrested  in  a Chinese  city 
charged  with  the  abduction  of  a Buddhist  nun,  a 
mere  girl,  for  immoral  purposes.  The  penalty 
attached  to  this  crime  under  Chinese  law  is  death. 
As  foreigners  in  China  can  only  be  tried  before 
their  own  officials  and  under  the  laws  of  their 
native  land,  he  was  brought  before  a United 
States  consul,  found  guilty  and  sentenced  to  a 
term  of  imprisonment.  He  appealed  to  a higher 
court,  and,  while  being  taken  to  prison  to  await 
its  decision,  quietly  walked  away  from  the  officer 
having  him  in  custody,  and  was  never  seen  again. 

An  American,  master  of  a schooner,  in  a broad 
channel  and  a bright  summer  day,  rather  than 
shift  his  helm,  coolly  ran  down  and  sunk  a Chi- 
nese junk,  causing  the  drowning  of  three  men. 
His  vessel  was  seized  by  the  United  States  con- 
sular authorities  pending  trial.  But  he  put  the 
officer  of  the  court  into  an  open  boat,  sailed  out 
of  the  harbor,  and  was  never  brought  to  justice. 

In  the  spring  of  1883,  two  foreigners,  one  of 
them  being  a British  subject,  were  returning  to 
their  homes  in  Canton  after  a night  spent  in 
gambling  and  drinking.  It  was  just  at  daylight, 
and  their  way  led  them  through  a street  where 
were  many  Chinese,  men,  women  and  chil- 
dren, sitting  or  lounging  about  the  doors  of  tea- 
firing establishments,  waiting  for  the  time  to  be^ 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  245 


gin  their  day’s  work.  They  did  not  obstruct  the 
street  nor  give  any  cause  of  offence.  Both  men 
were  somewhat  intoxicated,  and  the  Englishman, 
apparently  for  amusement,  began  tapping  and 
counting  off  the  natives  as  he  passed  along,  with  a 
stick  which  he  carried.  This  was  taken  in  good 
part,  the  Chinese  laughing  and  dodging  to 
avoid  his  harmless  blows.  But  this  sport  aroused 
the  tiger  in  the  man’s  blood,  and  when  he  reached 
his  door,  near  at  hand,  he  ordered  a servant  to 
give  him  a loaded  revolver,  and,  turning  about, 
he  emptied  the  weapon  into  the  bodies  of  the  un- 
offending Chinese.  Two  of  them  were  instantly 
killed,  a third  was  fatally  wounded,  and  others 
received  more  or  less  serious  injuries. 

The  man  was  not  arrested  by  the  British 
consul  until  an  indignant  protest  at  the  delay  was 
made  by  the  Chinese  authorities.  He  was  then 
taken  to  Hong  Kong,  tried,  found  guilty,  and 
sentenced  to  five  years’  imprisonment.  A most 
strenuous  objection  was  made  to  this  manifest 
failure  of  justice,  but  it  received  no  attention. 
The  excitement  at  Canton  rose  to  fever  heat,  and 
public  meetings,  in  denunciation  of  the  conduct  of 
the  British  authorities,  were  held  by  the  people. 
While  matters  were  in  this  critical  state,  the 
quartermaster  of  a British  steamer  lying  at  the 
dock  in  Canton  carelessly  shoved  a Chinese  ped- 


246  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


dler  overboard  from  the  deck  of  the  vessel,  and  he 
was  drowned.  The  man  guilty  of  this  heedless 
act  was  not  arrested,  and  when,  later,  his  trial  was 
demanded  by  the  Viceroy  at  Canton,  the  British 
authorities  refused  to  take  any  action  in  his  case. 

This  second  incident  set  the  Chinese  people 
into  instant  commotion.  A mob  gathered  and 
proceeded  to  the  destruction  of  property  within 
the  limits  of  the  British  concession.  Private 
dwellings  were  respected,  and  no  indignity  or 
harm  was  offered  to  human  beings.  But  before 
the  authorities  could  suppress  the  outbreak,  store- 
houses were  broken  open,  and  several  hundred 
thousand  dollars’  worth  of  merchandise  was  de- 
stroyed. The  attack  was  solely  directed  against 
British  property,  but  American,  German,  and 
French  merchants  were  also  sufferers,  though  in 
a smaller  degree. 

The  next  step  in  this  wretched  business  was 
the  transfer  of  it  to  the  diplomatic  officials  at 
Peking,  and  the  formulation  of  claims  for  dam- 
ages for  the  property  of  foreign  merchants  de- 
stroyed by  the  mob.  In  the  meantime  the  im- 
perial authorities  had  taken  up  the  question  of 
the  failure  of  justice.  A statement  of  marked 
ability  and  unanswerable  reasoning  had  been  pre- 
pared, in  which  the  revision  of  the  case  of  the 
murderer  and  a trial  of  the  reckless  quartermas- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  247 


ter  were  insisted  upon.  The  only  answer  given 
to  this  demand  was  the  declaration  that  Her  Bri- 
tannic Majesty’s  Government  could  not  interfere 
with  the  sacred  functions  of  her  courts  of  justice. 
The  Chinese  authorities  offered  immediate  and 
full  payment  of  all  claims  excepting  those  held  by 
British  subjects.  It  refused  to  pay  the  latter 
until  the  larger  question  of  the  inviolability  of 
human  life  received  decent  consideration  at  the 
hands  of  Great  Britain.  After  months  of  tedious 
discussion,  the  Chinese  Government  was  per- 
suaded, by  the  good  offices  of  a friendly  legation, 
to  consent  to  drop,  for  the  moment,  the  question 
of  failure  of  justice  and  to  accept  arbitration  of 
all  claims,  including  those  of  British  merchants. 
But  the  British  Minister  peremptorily  rejected 
this  arrangement.  All  questions  must  be  aban- 
doned by  China,  and  all  claims  which  he  repre- 
sented paid  without  arbitration  or  abatement. 
And  this  arbitrary  conclusion  was  eventually  sub- 
mitted to.  The  sole  action  taken  by  the  British 
authorities,  in  further  regard  to  the  murderer, 
was  his  removal  to  another  prison,  since  it  was 
feared  that  the  malarial  atmosphere  of  Hong 
Kong  might  have  a prejudicial  effect  upon  his 
health. 

No  words  are  needed  to  explain  or  excuse  the 
effect  of  such  incidents  upon  the  temper  of  the 


248  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


Chinese.  They  are  not  of  common  occurrence, 
far  less  universal.  They  are  passed  from  mouth 
to  mouth  throughout  the  empire  and  help  to  de- 
termine the  popular  opinion  against  foreigners. 

It  is  undeniable  that  much  ill-will  has  been  ex- 
cited in  China  by  frequent  interference  upon  the 
part  of  Roman  Catholic  priests  between  native 
professors  of  that  faith  and  the  local  authorities. 
This  is  especially  the  case  in  the  remote  south- 
western provinces  of  the  empire.  The  number 
of  adherents  there  is  large,  and  the  officials,  hav- 
ing little  knowledge  of  foreigners,  are  unneces- 
sarily timid  in  the  exercise  of  their  authority  and 
the  performance  of  their  duties.  They  are  easily 
frightened  by  the  threat  of  a reference  or  a com- 
plaint to  a legation  at  Peking.  The  priests  there, 
in  some  cases  at  least,  have  undertaken  to  enforce 
the  idea  of  the  temporal  authority  of  the  Church, 
and  have  attempted  to  add  political  jurisdiction 
to  their  spiritual  functions.  The  result  is  bitter 
ill-feeling  and  constant  strife.  There  are  more 
so-called  “ missionary  cases  ” in  the  province  of 
Sz  Chuan  in  each  year  than  in  the  entire  remain- 
ing seventeen  provinces  of  the  empire. 

The  priests  are  also  charged  with  having  as- 
sumed official  dress  and  title,  and  with  the  Habit- 
ual violation  of  certain  sumptuary  laws  of  the 
empire,  laws  which  are  strictly  enforced,  under 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  249 


the  most  severe  penalties,  against  all  Chinese. 
These  charges  also,  in  some  instances  at  least,  are 
well  founded.  A bishop  of  that  Church  has  been 
seen  travelling  the  circuit  of  his  diocese  in  a 
sedan-chair  covered  with  “ imperial  yellow,” 
borne  by  eight  men,  and  attended  by  a numerous 
retinue  and  all  dressed  in  official  uniform.  The 
“ imperial  yellow  ” is  reserved  for  the  exclusive 
use  of  the  Emperor,  and  any  Chinese  sufficiently 
bold  to  make  use  of  it  would  suffer  immediate  de- 
capitation. The  use  of  sedan-chairs  of  the  larger 
size  is  restricted  to  civil  and  military  officials  of 
and  above  a specified  rank,  and  none  below  the 
grade  of  viceroy  may  employ  eight  bearers.  An- 
other bishop  journeyed  about  the  network  of 
rivers  and  canals  found  within  his  jurisdiction, 
with  the  assumed  rank,  retinue,  and  flag  of  an 
ambassador,  or  diplomatic  representative  of  the 
highest  class. 

The  product  of  the  forces  described  in  this 
and  other  chapters  of  this  volume  as  operat- 
ing upon  the  minds  of  the  Chinese,  is  found 
in  a chronic,  deep-seated,  and  universal  hatred  of 
any  and  every  thing  which  has  a Western  origin. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

OPIUM. 

The  history  of  modern  China  properly  dates 
only  from  the  year  of  Our  Lord  1842.  In 
August  of  that  year,  the  first  treaty  establishing 
relations  with  any  nation  of  the  modern  world 
— a treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  with  Great 
Britain — was  signed  at  Nanking.  It  was  not 
signed  willingly,  but  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet. 
By  its  terms,  China  was  mulcted  to  the  amount 
of  twenty-three  millions  of  dollars,  and  the  island 
of  Hong  Kong  became  British  territory.  Twelve 
millions  of  the  money  indemnity  were  levied  to 
pay  the  cost  of  the  war;  three  millions  more 
represented  debts  due  by  certain  Chinese  to 
British  merchants,  and  six  millions  were  col- 
lected as  compensation  for  opium  seized  and 
destroyed  by  the  Chinese  authorities  at  Canton 
in  May,  1839.  It  was  also  stipulated  in  the 
treaty  that  five  ports  in  southern  Chinese  waters 
should  be  opened  to  British  trade.  Four  of 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  251 


these  had  already  been  occupied  by  the  British 
forces. 

With  nations  no  less  than  individuals,  the 
nature  of  their  mutual  relations  will  depend 
largely  upon  the  circumstances  under  which 
their  acquaintance  began.  It  may  safely  be 
claimed  that  to  knock  a man  down  is  not  the 
surest  path  to  his  high  esteem,  and  that  to  kick 
open  his  front  door  will  not  guarantee  an  invita- 
tion to  dinner.  It  was  most  unfortunate  that 
the  use  of  force  was  necessary  to  the  establish- 
ment of  foreign  relations  with  China.  What 
the  Chinese  will  believe,  to  the  end  of  time,  to 
have  been  the  real  motive  for  the  use  of  force 
renders  it  substantially  impossible  to  hope  for 
any  cordiality  upon  their  part,  in  intercourse  or 
relations  with  the  nations  of  the  Western  world. 
And  the  facts  go  far  to  justify  them  in  their 
belief.  It  is  difficult  to  move  about  in  China 
without  inhaling  the  fumes  of  opium.  And  it 
is  impossible  to  take  even  a first  step  in  any 
study  of  her  people,  of  their  feeling  toward  and 
ideas  concerning  the  outside  world,  without 
coming  into  contact  with  the  drug  itself.  No 
true  picture  of  modern  China,  in  its  attitude 
toward  progress,  in  the  opinions  and  feelings 
which  dominate  the  lives  and  control  the  con- 
duct of  its  people,  from  the  palace  to  the  mud 


252  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


hut,  toward  all  men  and  all  things  that  are  for- 
eign, can  be  correctly  painted  unless  opium  is 
mixed  with  the  colors.  Not  all  Chinese  smoke 
it.  But  it  has  played  a large  and  deadly  part  in 
distorting  the  vision,  befogging  the  judgment, 
and  embittering  the  minds  of  the  entire  mass 
of  the  nation.  The  very  name  of  the  drug  in 
Chinese  proves  it  not  to  be  indigenous  to  the 
country,  but  of  foreign  origin.  The  proper 
name  is  “ yahpien,”  a manifest  attempt  to  pro- 
nounce the  word  “ opium.”  It  is,  however, 
commonly  called  “ foreign  poison,”  “ foreign 
medicine,”  “ foreign  dirt,”  “ foreign  devil’s  dirt,” 
and  “ foreign  devil’s  medicine.”  And  the  repu- 
tation of  all  foreigners,  irrespective  of  national- 
ity, is,  in  the  minds  of  the  Chinese,  hopelessly 
besmirched  and  soiled  by  it. 

It  is  supposed  that  the  first  knowledge  of  this 
product  of  the  poppy  reached  China  from  West- 
ern Asia,  and  probably  from  Persia.  From  early 
times,  rigid  laws  prohibited  the  cultivation  of  the 
poppy  and  the  use  of  opium  throughout  the  em- 
pire, and  these  laws  were  as  thoroughly  enforced 
as  similar  legislation  in  any  part  of  the  world. 
The  police  were  empowered,  without  special  war- 
rant, to  enter  the  homes  of  those  suspected  of 
the  vice,  search  their  premises,  persons,  and  even  * 
“ to  smell  their  breaths.”  The  punishment  for 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  253 


the  use  of  the  drug  was  very  severe.  And  there 
is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  up  to  a.d.  1775  any 
appreciable  proportion  of  the  Chinese  were 
addicted  to  the  habit. 

The  British  East  India  Company  had  a 
monopoly  of  the  opium  trade  in  India,  and  in 
a.d.  1773  made  a small  shipment  to  China  as  an 
experiment.  The  speculation  doubtless  proved 
profitable,  for,  seven  years  later,  two  small  ves- 
sels were  anchored  off  the  Chinese  coast,  not 
far  from  Canton,  as  store-ships,  to  facilitate  the 
traffic.  At  this  time  the  total  importation  did 
not  exceed  a thousand  chests  each  year.  In 
1781  the  East  India  Company  sent  a vessel  direct 
to  Canton  loaded  with  sixteen  hundred  chests, 
but  it  could  not  be  sold  to  advantage,  and  was 
reshipped  out  of  the  country.  In  1793  the 
Chinese  authorities  at  Canton  made  serious 
complaint  of  the  store-ships  mentioned  above. 
Their  cargo  of  opium  was  thereupon  loaded  into 
a single  ship,  which  proceeded  to  the  mouth  of 
the  river  below  Canton,  where  she  remained  for 
more  than  a year.  The  vessel  was  not  molested, 
but  her  cargo  could  not  be  disposed  of.  She 
finally  went  to  sea,  where  the  opium  was  trans- 
ferred to  another  vessel,  which  brought  it  di- 
rectly back  to  Canton,  where  it  was  sold  under 
the  disguise  of  medicine.  About  this  time  the 


254  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


smuggling  of  opium  into  Southern  China  was 
brought  to  the  notice  of  the  authorities  at 
Peking,  and  in  a.d.  1800,  the  importation  was 
prohibited  under  heavy  penalties,  because,  as 
the  Emperor  declared,  “ it  wasted  the  time  and 
destroyed  the  property  of  the  Chinese  people.” 
The  practice  of  importing  it  disguised  as  medi- 
cine, however,  still  continued,  and  in  1809  the 
consignees  of  foreign  ships  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river  below  Canton  were  required  to  give  bonds 
that  no  ships  discharging  cargo  there  had  opium 
on  board.  The  smuggling  still  went  on,  and  in 
1820  the  viceroy  at  Canton  and  the  collector  of 
customs  issued  an  order  forbidding  any  vessel 
having  opium  on  board  to  enter  the  port,  and 
holding  pilots  and  consignees  personally  respon- 
sible for  any  violations  of  the  order. 

In  spite  of  imperial  decrees,  prohibitive  regula- 
tions, and  all  of  the  efforts  of  the  higher  author- 
ities, the  contraband  trade  prospered,  and  the 
illicit  importation  of  opium  increased  to  an  alarm- 
ing extent.  The  profits  of  the  traffic  were  so 
enormous  that  large  sums  of  money  could  be 
spent  in  bribery,  and  the  cupidity  of  petty  officials 
afforded  easy  opportunities  for  evasion  of  the 
law.  A regular  tariff  of  blackmail  was  agreed 
upon,  and  paid  to  local  officers  at  the  rate  of  a 
fixed  sum  per  chest  of  opium  landed.  Fast  na- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  255 


tive  boats,  heavily  armed  and  manned,  received 
the  drug  from  foreign  vessels  and  landed  it,  the 
nature  of  the  seacoast  below  Canton  rendering 
detection  almost  impossible.  If  attacked,  the 
crews  of  these  boats  fought  desperately,  as 
prompt  decapitation  was  the  penalty  of  capture. 
The  traffic  grew  to  such  proportions  that  again  a 
depot  of  receiving  ships,  for  the  receipt  and  dis- 
tribution of  opium,  was  established  between 
Macao  and  the  mouth  of  the  river  below  Canton, 
changing  anchorage  to  different  quarters  during 
the  typhoon  season  for  greater  security. 

The  traffic  also  spread  up  the  Chinese  coast  to 
the  north  of  Canton.  In  1831,  the  Jamesina,  a 
small  craft,  went  as  far  north  as  Foo  Chow  and 
sold  opium  to  the  amount  of  $330,000.  Small, 
fast-sailing  foreign  vessels  cruised  along  the  en- 
tire coast  of  China,  going  even  to  Manchuria, 
peddling  opium.  In  some  cases,  owing  to  the 
incorruptibility  of  native  officials,  these  ventures 
resulted  in  loss.  In  the  main,  however,  the  busi- 
ness was  enormously  profitable.  Regular  lines 
of  swift  opium  schooners  were  gradually  placed 
in  the  service,  and  receiving  ships  established  at 
certain  points  to  furnish  a constant  supply  for  the 
rapidly  increasing  demand.  None  of  these  ves- 
sels being  Chinese,  in  the  absence  of  treaty  con- 
cessions, they  had  no  right  of  entry  to  any 


2 S6  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


Chinese  port.  The  local  authorities,  timid,  and 
afraid  to  employ  force,  first  contented  themselves 
with  the  issue  of  paper  commands  and  exhorta- 
tions, until,  finding  these  of  no  avail,  they  in  turn 
were  debauched  by  bribes,  and  winked  at  a con- 
traband and  deadly  traffic  which  they  lacked  the 
energy  to  destroy. 

During  all  this  time,  that  is  to  say,  from  1773 
to  1839 — a period  of  sixty-six  years — not  one 
word  is  known  to  have  been  uttered  by  the  British 
Government  against  this  nefarious  traffic.  It  had 
practically  succeeded  to  the  rich  inheritance  of 
the  British  East  India  Company,  though  the  for- 
mal assumption  of  direct  control  did  not  come 
until  later.  With  this  inheritance  it  had  acquired 
the  monopoly  of  opium  production  in  India.  It 
must  have  known  that  the  importation  of  opium 
was  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  China,  and  that 
determined  efforts  were  being  made  by  the  gov- 
ernment at  Peking  to  suppress  it,  efforts  so  de- 
termined that  death  was  the  penalty  meted  out  to 
any  native  caught  in  the  prosecution  of  the  traffic. 
It  must  have  known  that  the  large  fleet  of  fast- 
sailing, opium-smuggling  vessels,  with  few  ex- 
ceptions, flew — and  disgraced — the  British  flag. 
It  professed  an  earnest  desire  to  establish  friendly 
and  commercial  relations  with  the  Chinese  Em- 
pire. Yet  it  had  not  a word  to  say.  Great  Brit- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  257 


ain  only  spoke  out  when  the  Emperor  showed  his 
determination  to  stop  the  traffic  at  all  costs,  and 
when  his  servant,  sent  to  Canton  for  that  special 
purpose,  proved  by  drastic  measures  that  he  had 
the  courage  and  determination  to  do  his  master’s 
will.  Then  Great  Britain  was  aroused  to  utter- 
ance. 

The  crash  came  in  1839. 

During  the  years  1837  and  1838,  the  struggle 
all  along  the  Chinese  coast,  between  the  author- 
ities upon  the  one  hand  and  the  smugglers  upon 
the  other,  had  increased  in  intensity.  The  for- 
mer, spurred  by  evidence  that  the  illegal  traffic 
was  attracting  serious  attention  at  Peking,  and  by 
the  receipt  of  more  stern  commands  therefrom, 
either  doubled  their  efforts  or  their  price  for  con- 
nivance. The  smugglers  were  correspondingly 
stimulated  by  the  increased  demand  for  opium 
and  the  enormous  profits  derived  from  the  busi- 
ness. The  foreign  dealers  rarely  came  into  con- 
flict with  the  authorities.  They  made  use  of  the 
natives  as  catspaws,  who  took  the  lion’s  share  of 
the  danger,  but  not  his  share  of  the  profits. 

That  the  British  Government  was  interested  in 
the  traffic  and  the  direction  which  that  interest 
took  is  shown  by  a correspondence  between  Cap- 
tain Elliot,  Superintendent  of  British  Trade  at 
Canton,  and  Rear-Admiral  Capel,  commanding 


258  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


the  British  fleet  in  Indian  waters.  In  1837,  Cap- 
tain Elliot  wrote  to  the  admiral,  requesting  him 
to  send  a vessel  of  war  to  China  to  visit  the  points 
where  the  store-ships  for  opium  were  anchored 
and  the  trade  carried  on,  “ as  one  of  the  move- 
ments best  calculated,  either  to  carry  the  provin- 
cial government  back  to  the  system  of  connivance 
which  has  hitherto  prevailed,  or  to  hasten  onward 
the  legalization  measure  from  the  court  ” (at  Pe- 
king). The  British  sloop-of-war  Raleigh  was 
sent  to  China  in  compliance  with  this  request, 
where  she  remained  many  months,  and  where, 
among  other  services  to  this  British  trade,  she 
secured  the  release  of  the  foreign  portion  of  the 
crew  of  the  opium  brig  Fairy,  who  had  been  ar- 
rested and  were  held  at  Foo  Chow.  But  her  Bri- 
tannic Majesty’s  Government  evidently  consid- 
ered that  the  traffic  was  of  sufficient  importance 
to  demand  the  presence  of  more  than  a single  ves- 
sel of  war,  for,  in  the  same  year,  Admiral  Capel 
received  orders  from  Her  Majesty’s  secretary 
directing  him  to  proceed  to  China  in  person. 

By  the  end  of  1838,  the  traffic  had  grown  to 
such  proportions  that  there  were  more  than  fifty 
small  vessels,  flying  the  British  and  American 
flags,  cruising  upon  the  river  between  Canton 
and  the  sea,  nearly  all  of  which  were  engaged  in 
smuggling  opium ! Heavily  manned  and  armed, 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  259 


the  Chinese  revenue  cruisers  did  not  dare  attack 
them,  and  their  business  was  carried  on  without 
any  pretence  of  disguise  or  secrecy.  Upon  the 
loth  of  March,  1839,  Commissioner  Lin  arrived 
at  Canton  and  entered  upon  the  discharge  of  his 
official  duties.  Because  of  his  known  energy  and 
determination,  he  had  been  selected  by  the  Em- 
peror, Tao  Kwang,  and  sent  to  Canton  to  thor- 
oughly eradicate  the  opium  traffic,  and  was  in- 
vested with  the  most  unqualified  authority  ever 
conferred  upon  a Chinese  subject.  It  was  re- 
ported that  the  Emperor,  while  conferring  with 
Lin  before  the  departure  of  the  latter  from  the 
capital,  burst  into  tears  and  exclaimed : “ How 
can  I die  and  go  to  meet  the  spirits  of  my  impe- 
rial father  and  ancestors  until  these  direful  evils 
are  removed  ? ” 

The  Imperial  Commissioner  was  equally 
prompt  and  positive  in  the  execution  of  his  mis- 
sion. Eight  days  after  his  arrival,  he  issued  an 
order  requiring  Chinese  and  foreign  merchants 
to  deliver,  within  three  days,  every  particle  of 
opium  in  the  port  of  Canton  to  him  and  to  give 
bonds  that  they  would  bring  no  more.  Death 
was  the  penalty  to  be  paid  for  failure  to  comply 
with  this  demand,  and  the  Chinese  merchants 
were  held  personally  accountable  for  the  compli- 
ance of  foreigners.  At  that  time  there  were 


i6o  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


twenty-two  vessels  having  as  cargo,  in  part,  20,- 
291  chests  of  opium  in  the  harbor  of  Canton. 
At  an  average  weight  of  125  pounds  per  chest,  it 
would  amount  to  2,536,375  pounds  of  opium, 
and  it  was  estimated  to  be  worth  at  the  current 
market  price  about  nine  millions  of  dollars.  It 
had  paid  a tax  of  nearly  that  sum  to  the  British 
Crown  before  being  sold  by  it  in  India  for  ship- 
ment to  smugglers  upon  the  Chinese  coast. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  give  details  of  the  short 
but  acrid  correspondence  which  followed  this  de- 
mand. It  must  be  admitted  that  much  of  Lin’s 
language  was  arrogant  and  offensive  in  tone. 
He  had  had  no  previous  dealings  with  for- 
eigners, was  ignorant  of  the  official  status  of 
Captain  Elliot,  and  regarded  him  merely  as  the 
hired  chief  of  a body  of  merchants,  the  lowest 
class  in  the  social  scale.  Upon  the  other  hand, 
he  appealed  to  the  foreigners  to  comply  with  his 
demand  upon  four  good  grounds:  Because  they 
were  men  and  had  reason;  because  the  laws  of 
China  forbade  the  use  of  opium  under  very  se- 
vere penalties;  because  they  should  have  pity  for 
those  who  suffered  from  using  it;  and  because  of 
their  present  straits,  from  which  compliance 
with  the  order  could  alone  release  them.  It 
must  be  explained  that  Commissioner  Lin  had 
placed  a cordon  of  guards  about  all  the  ships,  and 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  261 


residences  of  those  concerned  in  the  traffic,  and 
forbidden  the  Chinese  to  furnish  them  with  food 
or  water.  It  must  be  evident  that,  whatever  his 
methods,  Lin  was,  upon  the  whole,  moderate  in 
his  demands.  In  view  of  the  facts,  he  would 
have  been  entirely  justified  in  the  seizure  and 
confiscation  of  all  the  ships  with  their  entire 
cargoes  and  in  the  punishment  of  all  persons  en- 
gaged in  the  illicit  traffic,  natives  and  foreigners 
alike. 

The  foreign  merchants  first  attempted  to  bribe 
the  Imperial  Commissioner,  and  a “ contribu- 
tion ” of  1037  chests  was  subscribed  among 
them  for  that  purpose.  This  scheme  failing,  the 
entire  amount  of  opium  was  eventually  surren- 
dered, and  most  of  the  foreign  merchants  gave  a 
written  pledge  “ not  to  deal  in  opium  nor  to  at- 
tempt to  introduce  it  into  the  Chinese  Empire.” 
Many  of  them,  however,  broke  their  pledges  and 
soon  after  again  became  actively  engaged  in  the 
trade.  As  soon  as  the  opium  had  reached  the 
hands  of  Commissioner  Lin,  he  caused  the  entire 
quantity  to  be  dumped  into  trenches  prepared 
for  the  purpose,  where  it  was  mixed  with  lime 
and  salt  water,  and  then  drawn  off  by  creeks  into 
the  sea.  The  operation  was  watched  most 
closely  to  prevent  any  portion  of  the  drug  being 
abstracted,  and  one  Chinese,  caught  in  the  at- 


262  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


tempt  to  conceal  and  carry  away  a small  quan- 
tity, was  beheaded  upon  the  spot. 

Commissioner  Lin  was  charged  with  two 
duties  by  his  imperial  master : the  suppression  of 
the  opium  traffic  at  all  hazards,  and  the  restora- 
tion of  legitimate  commerce,  which  had  been 
practically  destroyed.  He  failed  in  both.  In 
spite  of  the  written  pledge  given  by  the  mer- 
chants, the  sales  of  opium  began  again,  even  be- 
fore the  destruction  of  the  immense  quantity 
surrendered  to  him,  and  the  business  increased 
rapidly  as  soon  as  it  was  known  that  so  large  a 
quantity  had  actually  been  destroyed.  Col- 
lisions between  the  Chinese  authorities  and 
people  upon  the  one  side,  and  those  suspected 
or  known  to  be  engaged  in  the  contraband  traf- 
fic, increased  in  frequency  and  in  their  serious 
character,  and  rendered  all  honest  commerce  im- 
possible. In  the  meantime  intelligence  of  the 
general  conduct  of  Commissioner  Lin  at  Can- 
ton, and  especially  of  the  seizure  and  destruction 
of  opium  by  him,  reached  London,  and  at  last 
the  British  lion  found  his  voice.  It  was  not  used 
to  crush  out  a traffic  which  was  both  morally 
and  politically  indefensible,  but  to  demand  “ sat- 
isfaction and  reparation  for  the  late  injurious 
proceedings  of  certain  officers  of  the  Emperor  of 
China  against  certain  of  our  officers  and  sub- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  263 


jects.”  In  the  debates  in  Parliament  upon  the 
subject,  Sir  John  Hobhouse  said  that  the  British 
Government  had  done  nothing  to  stop  the  opium 
trade  because  it  was  profitable.  Lord  Melbourne 
said:  “ We  possess  immense  territories  pecu- 
liarly fitted  for  raising  opium,  and  though  he 
could  wish  that  the  government  were  not  so  di- 
rectly concerned  in  the  traffic,  he  was  not  pre- 
pared to  pledge  himself  to  relinquish  it.”  And 
Lord  Ellenborough,  with  even  greater  frank- 
ness, spoke  of  the  seven  and  a half  millions  of 
dollars  revenue  then  annually  derived  “ from 
foreigners  ” by  means  of  the  contraband  trade 
which,  if  the  opium  monopoly  were  given  up  and 
the  cultivation  of  poppy  abandoned,  they  must 
seek  elsewhere. 

The  British  forces  ordered  to  exact  reparation 
for  the  conduct  of  Commissioner  Lin  arrived 
near  Canton  in  June,  1841,  and  announced  a 
blockade  of  that  port.  Skirmishes  interlarded 
with  discussions  continued  throughout  the  re- 
mainder of  the  year,  and  were  spread  over  the  en- 
tire coast  of  China.  In  January,  1842,  an  agree- 
ment was  reached  between  the  commissioners 
appointed  by  Great  Britain  and  China,  by  which 
the  latter  was  to  pay  an  indemnity  of  six  millions 
of  dollars  and  cede  the  island  and  harbor  of 
Hong  Kong  to  the  British  Crown.  This  adjust- 


264  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


ment  of  the  difficulty  was  promptly  repudiated 
by  the  sovereigns  of  both  countries — by  the 
Emperor  of  China  because  he  was  unable  to  see 
why  he  should  pay  an  indemnity  for  an  attempt 
to  crush  out  a contraband  traffic,  and  by  the  Brit- 
ish Queen  because  the  indemnity  for  interference 
with  her  monopoly  was  deemed  insufficient. 
The  opium  war  was  therefore  continued  until  the 
following  August,  when  it  ended  with  the  cap- 
ture of  Nanking,  and  the  negotiation  of  a treaty 
as  mentioned  at  the  head  of  this  chapter. 

It  is  a curious  fact  that  the  active  cause  of  all 
the  trouble — opium — was  not  mentioned  in  the 
treaty.  Sir  Henry  Pottinger,  the  British  Com- 
missioner, was  unable  to  secure  the  legalization 
of  the  traffic,  and  would  not  undertake  the  re- 
sponsibility, on  behalf  of  his  government,  of  any 
attempt  to  suppress  it.  The  Chinese  Commis- 
sioners would  not  even  consent  to  discuss  the 
opium  question  until  assured  that  it  was  intro- 
duced merely  as  a topic  for  private  conversation. 
Then,  according  to  a British  official  report  of 
the  interview,  they  inquired  eagerly'  "-"Why  we 
would  not  act  fairly  toward  them  by  prohibiting 
the  growth  of  the  poppy  in  our  dominions,  and 
thus  effectually  stop  a traffic  so  pernicious  to 
the  human  race.*’  Sir  Henry  Pottinger’s  answer 
might  have  been  anticipated.  He  replied,  ac- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  265 


cording  to  the  same  authority,  that  the  remedy 
for  the  evil  “ rests  entirely  with  yourselves.  If 
your  people  are  virtuous,  they  will  desist  from 
the  evil  practice;  and  if  your  officers  are  incor- 
ruptible and  obey  your  orders,  no  opium  can 
enter  your  country.  The  discouragement  of  the 
growth  of  the  poppy  in  our  territories  rests  prin- 
cipally with  you,  for  nearly  the  entire  produce 
cultivated  in  India  travels  east  to  China.”  A 
truly  interesting  answer,  and  advice  of  the  high- 
est moral  worth,  when  it  came  from  the  lips  of  an 
active  agent  of  a war  costing  thousands  of  lives, 
and  a representative  of  a so-called  Christian  na- 
tion which  had  that  very  day  mulcted  China  in 
the  sum  of  twenty-one  millions  of  dollars  and  the 
cession  of  valuable  territory,  because  certain  in- 
corruptible Chinese  officers  had  endeavored  to 
discourage  the  growth  of  the  poppy  in  India  by 
preventing  opium  from  entering  China ! It  may 
be  said  in  passing  that  this  same  Sir  Henry  Pot- 
tinger  went  out  of  his  way  some  years  later  to 
declare  “ in  a public  manner,”  as  he  himself 
states,  that  “ the  great,  and  perhaps  I might  say 
sole,  objection  to  the  trade,  looking  at  it  morally 
and  abstractly,  that  I have  discovered  is  that  it 
is  at  present  contraband  and  prohibited  by  the 
laws  of  China  . . . but  I have  striven  to 

bring  about  legalization;  and  were  that  point 


a66  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


once  effected,  I am  of  opinion  that  its  most  ob- 
jectionable feature  would  be  altogether  re- 
moved.” 

Other  Englishmen  were  not  so  purblind  or 
venal.  Shortly  after  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty 
at  Nanking,  a large  number  of  English  mer- 
chants and  manufacturers  memorialized  Sir  Rob- 
ert Peel,  claiming  that  commerce  with  China 
could  not  be  conducted  on  a safe  and  satisfactory 
basis  so  long  as  the  contraband  trade  in  opium 
was  allowed.  They  maintained  that  opium  would 
enervate  and  impoverish  the  consumers  of  it,  and 
thus  disable  them  from  purchasing  other  wares. 
And  the  memorialists  pointed  out  that  the 
opium  then  smuggled  into  China  exceeded  in 
value  the  total  amount  of  tea  and  silk  exported, 
as  proof  of  the  rapid  impoverishment  of  the  em- 
pire. This  memorial  received  no  attention  at 
the  hands  of  the  British  Government.  None  need 
have  been  expected,  for  the  British  Government 
itself  was  the  actual  trader  in  opium,  and 
the  profits  were  too  large  to  permit  any  consid- 
eration for  the  interests  of  smaller  merchants  and 
manufacturers.  And  perhaps  the  memorialists 
deserved  no  notice.  Their  motives  were  purely 
selfish.  They  showed  no  care  for  the  impoverish- 
ment and  debauchery  of  the  Chinese  nation,  ex- 
cept so  far  as  those  results  of  the  traffic  might 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  267 


touch  their  own  pockets.  And  they  were  not 
alone  in  their  selfishness.  In  all  the  discussions 
to  which  the  opium  war  gave  rise  in  Great  Brit- 
ain, seldom  was  a word  uttered  about  the  moral- 
ity of  the  contraband  traffic  or  the  deadly  effects 
of  the  vice  upon  its  victims.  The  entire  subject 
was  argued  solely  from  the  standpoint  of  its  ef- 
fect upon  British  commerce.  One  newspaper 
went  so  far  as  to  suggest  the  manufacture  of 
morphine  to  tempt  the  Chinese,  so  that  they 
might  have  opium  in  a more  delicate  form  to  suit 
the  taste  of  the  higher  classes. 

During  the  years  following  the  negotiation  of 
the  treaty  of  Nanking,  the  illegal  trade  was 
pushed  and  extended  in  every  direction.  Heav- 
ily-armed opium  schooners  made  their  trips  up 
and  down  the  entire  Chinese  coast,  from  Hong 
Kong  to  the  mouth  of  the  Peiho,  with  almost  the 
regularity  of  modern  mail  steamers.  Opium  was 
openly  smoked  in  many  of  the  large  cities.  The 
old  laws  forbidding  the  purchase,  sale,  or  use  of 
the  drug  under  the  penalty  of  death  were  still  in 
force.  But  no  official  dared  put  them  into  exe- 
cution. The  Chinese  Government  had  suffered 
bitter  humiliation  and  punishment  for  daring  to 
interfere  with  the  trade,  for  venturing  to  enforce 
its  own  laws  within  its  own  territory  upon  its 
own  people  and  such  foreigners  as  were  guilty  of 


268  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


crimes  against  the  state  and  within  its  jurisdic- 
tion. It  could  do  nothing  more. 

It  is  true  that  Sir  Henry  Pottinger  issued 
proclamations,  warning  British  subjects  that  the 
importation  of  opium  into  Chinese  ports  was 
illegal,  and  that  persons  engaged  in  it  would  be 
granted  no  protection  from  the  British  authori- 
ties. He  also  forbade  British  vessels  from  going 
north  of  Shanghai  under  pain  of  seizure  and  con- 
fiscation. But  when  Captain  Hope,  of  the  British 
man-of-war  Thalia,  stopped  several  opium 
schooners  which  were  going  north  of  Shanghai, 
he  was  promptly  removed  from  his  command  and 
ordered  to  India,  where — to  quote  the  words  of 
Lord  Palmerston’s  despatch — “ he  could  not  in- 
terfere in  such  a manner  with  the  undertakings 
of  British  subjects.”  This  incident,  and  others 
of  a similar  nature,  proved  that  the  orders  and 
proclamations  of  the  British  representative  were 
mere  idle  words,  for  which  neither  respect  nor 
obedience  was  desired.  Their  sole  purpose  was 
to  throw  the  responsibility  for  the  traffic  upon 
the  Chinese.  And  the  British  men-of-war  upon 
the  China  station  were  not  there  to  suppress 
opium  smuggling,  but  to  see  that  it  was  not  in- 
terfered with. 

This  state  of  affairs  continued  until  i860, 
when,  at  the  close  of  another  war  with  China, 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  269 


Great  Britain  secured,  by  the  treaty  of  Tientsin, 
what  had  been  her  determined  object  from  the 
first — the  legalization  of  the  opium  traffic. 
Though  there  was  much  friction  between  the 
governments  of  China  and  Great  Britain,  grow- 
ing out  of  disputed  points  in  the  treaty  of  Nan- 
king and  the  general  attitude  of  the  Chinese,  yet 
the  immediate  cause  of  the  second  war,  like  the 
first,  was  the  opium  traffic.  The  Chinese  au- 
thorities at  Canton  had  seized  a small  vessel 
called  the  Arrow.  She  was  owned  and  manned 
by  Chinese,  though  illegally  flying  the  Brit- 
ish flag,  and  was  engaged  in  the  illicit  traf- 
fic. These  facts — and  they  were  proved  to  be 
facts — were  set  forth  by  the  Chinese  in  answer  to 
a demand  for  reparation  made  by  Sir  John  Bow- 
ring, the  same  gentleman,  by  the  way,  who  wrote 
the  beautiful  hymn,  “ In  the  Cross  of  Christ  I 
Glory.”  The  only  answer  made  by  that  Chris- 
tian poet  and  British  representative  was  the  de- 
struction of  the  forts  below  Canton  and  the 
bombardment  of  that  city.  This  second  war,  be- 
gun in  1857  at  Canton,  was  ended  at  Peking  in 
i860.  As  already  stated,  the  terms  of  peace  with 
which  it  ended  included  the  legalization  of  the 
trade  in  opium.  Since  the  accomplishment  of 
this  result,  Great  Britain,  though  she  has  for- 
mulated many  serious  and  genuine  grievances 


270  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


against  China,  has  never  seen  occasion  to  seek 
correction  of  them  with  the  sword. 

Perhaps  a very  brief  analysis  of  the  financial 
side  of  the  opium  traffic  will  explain  the  modera- 
tion and  complacency  shown  by  Great  Britain 
toward  China  during  the  past  forty  years.  In 
securing  the  legal  entry  of  opium  into  Chinese 
ports,  England  dictated  the  import  duty  charge- 
able upon  it,  and  had  fixed  that  duty  at  about 
forty  cents  a pound.  The  same  pound  of  opium 
had  paid  the  British  Crown  a tax  of  a trifle  more 
than  three  dollars  and  one-half  before  leaving 
India,  or  about  nine  times  as  much  as  could  be 
levied  upon  it  at  the  port  of  destination.  A chest 
of  opium,  containing  an  average  of  125  pounds, 
paid  from  $125  to  $130  to  the  Indian  farmer  who 
cultivated  the  poppy  and  produced  the  crude 
drug;  about  $425  to  the  British  Government; 
and  about  $50  to  the  Chinese  revenue.  To  en- 
large the  figures  again,  in  the  year  1878-9  the 
total  export  from  India  was  91,200  chests,  from 
which  England  derived  an  income  of  $38,500,- 
000,  upon  which  China  was  allowed  to  collect 
only  $4,560,000.  Surely  to  a government  caring 
only  for  the  money  outturn  of  any  business,  this 
division  of  income  would  naturally  furnish  food 
for  satisfaction  and  complacency. 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  271 


It  required  about  1,700,000  acres  of  land  to 
produce  this  quantity  of  opium.  To  what  extent 
the  diversion  of  that  large  area  from  poppies  to 
the  cultivation  of  food  products  would  tend  to 
lessen  or  prevent  the  horrible  famines  so  fre- 
quent in  India,  is  a question  for  the  philan- 
thropist rather  than  the  financier. 

It  has  already  been  stated  that  in  1842  certain 
British  merchants  and  manufacturers  protested 
against  the  continuance  of  the  traffic  in  opium, 
upon  the  ground  of  the  impoverishment  of  the 
Chinese  nation,  and  their  consequent  inability  to 
purchase  other  products.  The  official  returns  of 
Chinese  foreign  trade  for  1871  show  that  more 
than  three-fifths  of  the  total  imports  from  a 
British  source  consisted  of  opium.  In  that  year 
nearly  $64,000,000  worth  of  the  drug  was  im- 
ported, while  the  total  exports  of  all  Chinese 
commodities,  to  all  parts  of  the  world,  was  less 
than  $105,000,000.  John  Bull’s  bill  against 
China  that  year  for  opium  furnished  was  nearly 
three  times  the  amount  due  to  China  for  all  mer- 
chandise sold  to  any  nation  except  the  English. 
And  it  was  more  than  three-fifths  of  the  entire 
sum  due  China  for  all  native  produce  exported  to 
foreign  parts.  Two-thirds  of  all  tea  and  silk  sent 
abroad  from  China  was  paid  for  with  Indian 


272  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


opium.  And  if  the  large  quantity  of  the  drug 
still  smuggled  into  the  country  could  be  valued, 
it  would  become  evident  that  China  received 
only  opium  for  her  enormous  export  of  those 
two  staple  articles.  Well  may  Great  Britain  be 
moderate  and  complacent  in  her  treatment  of  the 
Chinese  Government.  She  balances  the  accounts 
of  the  world  with  China  with  opium.  And  when 
a foreigner  of  any  other  nationality  pays  a debt 
due  the  Chinese,  the  money  goes,  not  to  the 
Celestials,  but  to  London. 

By  nearly  all  British  writers  upon  the  opium 
question,  it  is  assumed  that  the  Chinese  author- 
ities were  not  in  earnest  in  their  efforts  to  sup- 
press the  contraband  trade.  It  is,  perhaps,  nat- 
ural that  they  should  raise  such  a point,  in  order 
to  justify  the  course  of  their  government,  and  to 
hoodwink  the  outside  world.  But  they  know 
better.  The  facts  of  the  entire  history  speak  for 
themselves.  Commissioner  Lin  went  to  Canton 
with  specific  instructions  from  his  imperial  mas- 
ter, Tao  Kwang,  to  suppress  the  opium  traffic 
and  reopen  legitimate  commerce.  It  is  true  that 
in  1834  and  the  years  succeeding,  the  Chinese  of- 
ficials had  interfered  with  the  legitimate  foreign 
trade  at  Canton,  where  it  had  been  carried  on  for 
many  years.  “ But  there  were  reasons  for  their 
action.  Their  chief  cause  of  complaint  was  the  in-* 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  273 


troduction  of  opium  by  the  merchants,  and  for 
years  they  attempted  by  every  means  in  their 
power,  by  stopping  all  foreign  trade,  by  demands 
for  the  prohibition  of  the  traffic  in  the  drug,  and 
by  vigilant  preventive  measures,  to  put  a stop  to 
its  importation.  On  the  3d  April,  20,283  (20,- 
291)  chests  of  opium  were  handed  over  to  the 
mandarins,  and  were  by  them  destroyed — a suffi- 
cient proof  that  they  were  in  earnest  in  their  en- 
deavors to  suppress  the  traffic.”  The  authority 
here  quoted  is  the  “ Encyclopaedia  Britannica,” 
which  surely  cannot  be  held  to  be  anti-British  in 
its  sympathies. 

It  is  paying  but  scant  respect  to  the  intelli- 
gence and  good  sense  of  the  average  reader  to 
discuss  another  argument  brought  forward  by 
apologists  for  the  course  of  Great  Britain.  Yet 
it  must  be  mentioned  here.  The  argument  is 
that  the  use  of  opium  does  the  Chinese  no  harm; 
that,  owing  to  some  peculiarity  in  their  physical 
construction,  it  is  not  only  innocuous,  but  as 
necessary  to  them  “ as  his  beer  to  the  English- 
man.” The  letter  of  Sir  Henry  Pottinger  upon 
this  point  has  already  been  quoted.  Another 
apologist  speaks  of  the  drug  as  a “ useful 
soother,  a harmless  luxury,  and  a precious  medi- 
cine, except  to  those  who  abuse  it,”  and  he  at- 
tributes the  “ persevering  economy  and  never- 


274  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


ceasing  industry  ” of  the  Chinese  to  its  use ! 
Others  have  described  it  as  “ harmless  as  milk  ” 
to  the  Oriental ! 

If  the  mere  thinking  about  opium  can  so  com- 
pletely narcotize  the  judgment,  becloud  the 
good  sense,  and  distort  the  vision  of  otherwise 
clear-headed,  logical-minded  Englishmen,  what 
must  the  effect  of  actual  and  constant  use  of  the 
drug  be  upon  the  Chinese,  who  perhaps  have  not 
the  same  stamina  with  which  to  resist  the  effects 
of  the  habit!  In  spite  of  all  this  special  pleading, 
and  array  of  imaginary  facts,  the  truth  remains 
that  the  habitual  use  of  any  form  of  opium  by 
any  human  being,  Occidental  or  Oriental,  con- 
stitutes a vice  more  hopeless  and  deadly  in  its 
results  than  any  other  known  among  men. 
There  are  ample  proofs  of  this  statement,  so  far 
as  it  refers  to  the  people  of  Europe  or  America, 
and  the  Chinaman  forms  no  exception  to  the 
rule.  After  all  has  been  said  about  his  peculi- 
arities, he  is  compounded  from  the  same  formula 
with  the  Anglo-Saxon  or  other  Western  races. 
Opium  is  more  deadly  than  alcohol,  because  it 
fastens  its  grip  more  quickly  and  firmly  upon  the 
victim.  No  language  can  exaggerate  the  evil 
results  of  the  habit.  No  honest  person  who  has 
seen  its  effects  upon  the  Chinese  can  describe  it 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  275 


as  other  than  an  awful  curse.  To  force  it  upon 
China  was  a crime  against  humanity. 

One  Chinese  writer  describes  it  as  tenfold  more 
deadly  than  arsenic,  inasmuch  as  the  suicide  by 
arsenic  dies  at  once,  wrhile  the  opium  victim  suf- 
fers untold  horrors  and  dies  by  inches.  He  men- 
tions cases  in  which  men  have  pawned  their  wives 
and  sold  their  daughters  in  order  to  procure  the 
drug.  And  such  cases  are  by  no  means  rare. 
The  writer  has  seen  an  able-bodied  and  appar- 
ently rugged  laboring  Chinese  tumble  all  in  a 
heap  upon  the  ground  utterly  nerveless  and  un- 
able to  stand,  because  the  time  for  his  dose  of 
opium  had  come,  and  until  the  craving  was  sup- 
plied he  was  no  longer  a man,  but  the  merest 
heap  of  bones  and  flesh.  In  the  great  majority 
of  cases  death  is  the  sure  result  of  any  deter- 
mined reform.  The  poison  has  rotted  the  whole 
system,  and  no  power  to  resist  the  simplest  dis- 
ease remains.  In  many  years’  residence  in  China, 
the  writer  knew  of  but  four  men  who  finally 
abandoned  the  habit.  Three  of  them  lived  but  a 
few  months  thereafter.  The  fourth  survived  his 
reformation,  but  was  a life-long  invalid. 

Though  the  Chinese  Government  was  at  last, 
in  i860,  whipped  into  an  assent  to  the  importa- 
tion of  opium,  its  bitter  opposition  to  the  traffic 


276  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


was  in  no  degree  lessened.  It  simply  dared  no 
longer  attempt  to  enforce  its  own  laws.  Efforts 
to  do  this,  begun  thirty  and  more  years  before, 
had  resulted  in  the  loss  of  thousands  of  lives,  in 
repeated  and  almost  uninterrupted  humiliation, 
in  the  payment  of  large  indemnities  to  Great 
Britain,  and,  more  recently,  in  the  capture  of  the 
Taku  forts  and  Tientsin,  in  the  investment  of 
Peking  by  a foreign  army,  the  seizure  of  one  of 
the  city  gates,  the  plunder  and  destruction  of 
the  Summer  Palace,  the  flight  of  the  Emperor 
and  his  death  in  what  was  practical  exile,  and,  to 
crown  all,  a coerced  consent  to  the  hideous 
opium  traffic. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment, and  that  alone  is  of  concern  in  this  chapter, 
all  of  these  evils,  sorrows  and  losses  came  as  the 
result  of  a patriotic  determination  upon  its  part 
to  protect  its  people  against  impoverishment, 
debauchery  and  destruction,  by  the  enforcement 
of  the  laws  of  the  empire.  Again,  from  their 
point  of  view,  the  Chinese  authorities  deserved 
success.  They  met  with  the  most  humiliating 
and  hopeless  failure.  They  had  pledged  them- 
selves to  sit  with  folded  arms,  while  their  ancient 
and  wholesome  laws  were  violated  and  their 
people  sucked  dry  of  morality,  manhood,  and 
money,  by  a black  vampire  from  India,  let  loose 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  277 


upon  them  by  Great  Britain,  to  satisfy  its  own 
insatiable  greed. 

China  dared  no  longer  resist.  Nothing  re- 
mained but  the  poor  privilege  to  plead,  to  beg, 
and  remonstrate.  And  this  she  continued  to  do 
at  intervals,  until  even  Chinese  persistency  was 
exhausted  by  refusals,  rebuffs,  or  contemptuous 
silence.  She  made  offers  of  concessions  to  any 
form  of  legitimate  commerce  in  any  part  of  the 
empire,  if  only  the  opium  trade  might  be 
stopped,  either  at  once  or  by  a graded  reduction 
in  the  annual  import.  Meeting  with  no  success 
in  this  direction,  she  asked  permission  to  increase 
the  duty  upon  the  drug.  Great  Britain  promptly 
accepted  the  concessions  offered  in  return  for 
this  poor  favor,  and  then  refused  to  permit  the 
increase  of  duty. 

In  the  summer  of  1873,  the  writer  had  occasion 
to  discuss  certain  outstanding  matters  between 
the  United  States  and  China  with  Wen  Hsiang, 
then  prime  minister,  and  one  of  the  most  able 
statesmen  of  the  empire.  Official  business  hav- 
ing been  concluded,  the  prime  minister  said: 
“ Now  let  us  forget  that  we  represent  two  differ- 
ent governments  and  only  remember  that  we  are 
friends,  as  I have  two  perplexing  questions 
about  which  I am  most  anxious  to  obtain  your 
advice.”  This  having  been  agreed  to,  Wen 


278  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


Hsiang  made  the  following  statement,  of  one  of 
the  two  questions  upon  which  he  sought  friendly 
counsel : As  a result  of  long-continued  and 
anxious  discussions  over  the  opium  traffic,  and 
the  alarming  spread  of  the  vice  of  opium-smok- 
ing throughout  the  empire — discussions  in 
which  the  Empress  Dowager,  the  Empress 
Mother,  the  Imperial  Family  Council,  the  Cab- 
inet, and  all  the  viceroys  throughout  the  empire 
had  taken  part — it  had  been  decided  to  prepare 
a personal  appeal  in  the  name  of  the  young  Em- 
peror, then  under  age,  to  the  Queen  of  Great 
Britain,  setting  forth  the  evils  being  wrought 
upon  the  Chinese  nation  in  consequence  of  the 
importation  of  opium,  and  begging  her,  in  the 
name  of  a common  humanity,  to  agree  with  him 
upon  measures  by  which  the  traffic  might  be  at 
once,  or  gradually,  brought  to  an  end. 

Such  a letter  was  prepared.  It  showed  the 
dreadful  harm  already  wrought  in  China  by 
opium  and  increasing  with  frightful  rapidity.  It 
pointed  out  that  the  traffic  was  the  foe  to  all  right- 
ful commerce,  and  if  allowed  to  continue  would 
put  an  end  to  the  latter,  by  leaving  the  Chinese 
neither  money  nor  commodities  to  exchange  for 
foreign  products.  It  offered  anything  that 
might  be  desired  in  the  way  of  concession  to 
British  trade,  anywhere  in  the  empire,  agreeing 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  279 


in  advance  to  yield  to  any  demand,  if  only  this 
one  curse  against  which  China  had  fought  in 
vain  for  years  might  be  removed.  And  it  begged 
Her  Majesty,  both  as  a queen  and  as  a woman, 
to  heed  the  appeal,  and  to  concert  measures  for 
the  suppression  of  the  hideous  opium  curse.  The 
letter  was  phrased  with  the  utmost  care  to  avoid 
wounding  the  pride  of,  or  giving  any  offence  to, 
the  British  nation.  It  was  despatched  in  1868 
through  the  British  Legation  at  Peking,  the 
minister  being  requested  to  take  special  meas- 
ures to  ensure  that  it  reached  the  hands  of  the 
Queen. 

Some  six  months  having  passed  and  no  reply 
coming  to  hand,  a member  of  the  Cabinet  in- 
quired casually  of  the  British  Minister  at  Peking 
whether  any  answer  had  been  received  to  the 
letter  of  His  Majesty  to  the  Queen.  He  was 
told  that  none  had  come.  This  was  repeated 
several  times,  at  intervals  of  months,  with  always 
the  same  result.  Then  an  unofficial  communica- 
tion was  sent  to  Her  Majesty’s  representative  re- 
questing him  to  inform  the  Chinese  Cabinet 
whether  the  Emperor’s  letter  had  reached  the 
Queen,  and,  if  so,  when  a response  to  it  might 
be  expected.  After  the  interval  necessary  for 
transmission  of  inquiry  and  answer,  they  were 
told  that  the  Emperor’s  letter  had  reached  Her 


280  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


Majesty,  but  no  intimation  was  given  concern- 
ing an  answer  from  her.  Again,  after  waiting 
some  months,  the  Chinese  Cabinet  addressed  a 
formal  despatch  to  the  British  Minister,  request- 
ing to  know  when  they  might  be  favored  with  a 
reply  to  His  Imperial  Majesty’s  letter.  To  this 
despatch  they  received  a prompt  answer,  saying 
that  no  reply  had  been  received,  and  adding 
curtly  that  none  need  be  expected.  And  Wen 
Hsiang  desired  the  advice  of  the  writer  as  to 
what  had  best  be  done  in  view  of  these  facts. 

Many  months  after  this  conversation  and  after 
the  death  of  the  Chinese  prime  minister,  who 
was  a party  to  it,  the  writer  came  upon  an  article 
in  the  International  Review — a London  publi- 
cation— written,  by  a distinguished  British  advo- 
cate and  Queen’s  Counsel,  entitled,  “ Great  Brit- 
ain, India,  China  and  the  Opium  Question.”  In 
it  the  writer  mentioned  this  appeal  of  the 
Emperor  Tung  Chih  to  Queen  Victoria,  and 
said : “ To  the  everlasting  shame  and  disgrace  of 
the  British  nation,  no  answer  was  ever  made  to 
this  appeal.  The  reason  is  obvious,  no  answer 
was  possible.” 

In  January,  1875,  the  Chinese  Government 
prepared  and  submitted  to  all  governments,  then 
represented  at  Peking,  a lengthy  and  detailed 
complaint  of  the  opium  traffic,  and  requested  the 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  281 


action  of  all  friendly  nations  in  bringing  it  to  an 
end.  The  British  Government  answered  with  a 
series  of  counter  charges,  but  promised  nothing 
with  regard  to  opium. 

In  the  summer  of  1876  serious  diplomatic  ne- 
gotiations occurred  at  Chefoo  between  Sir 
Thomas  Wade,  then  British  Minister,  and  His 
Excellency,  Li  Hung  Chang.  The  murder  of  a 
British  consular  officer  upon  the  border  line  be- 
tween China  and  Burmah,  and  various  other  mat- 
ters, had  made  these  negotiations  necessary.  As 
a result,  and  while  denying  that  the  murder  was 
done  by  Chinese,  the  Chinese  Government  made 
reparation  for  the  crime,  and  agreed,  among 
other  things,  to  open  several  additional  ports 
upon  the  coast  to  British  commerce,  only  asking 
in  return  the  privilege  of  increasing  the  import 
duty  upon  opium  from  forty  cents  a pound  to 
about  fifty-five.  Her  Britannic  Majesty’s  Gov- 
ernment promptly  accepted  the  various  conces- 
sions made  by  China,  sent  consular  officers  to 
each  of  the  new  ports  and  opened  trade  in  them, 
and  then  repudiated  the  Chefoo  convention,  or 
rather  that  part  of  it  which  allowed  China  to  in- 
crease the  opium  duty  fifteen  cents  a pound. 

In  November,  1880,  a commission,  appointed 
by  the  President,  concluded  at  Peking  two 
treaties  between  the  United  States  and  China. 


282  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


The  second  treaty  contained  a stringent  article 
forbidding  American  citizens  from  taking  any 
part  in  the  opium  trade  in  China.  They  could 
neither  buy  nor  sell  the  drug,  nor  transport  it 
upon  their  ships.  A couple  of  days  after  these 
treaties  were  signed,  the  writer  had  an  informal 
interview  with  His  Excellency,  Li  Hung  Chang, 
then  viceroy  at  Tientsin.  The  viceroy,  after  ex- 
pressing his  deep  satisfaction  that  the  United 
States  had  withdrawn  from  all  complicity  with 
the  traffic  in  opium,  said : “ I have  watched  and 
have  had  to  do  with  the  foreign  relations  of 
China  for  many  years.  I have  read  the  Bible,  in 
which  you  foreigners  believe,  and  have  seen  in  it 
the  same  golden  rule  which  Confucius  teaches. 
And  this  action  of  the  United  States  in  forbid- 
ding its  people  to  deal  with  opium  in  China  is 
the  first  and  only  application  of  that  golden  rule 
to  be  found  in  all  the  conduct  of  foreign  govern- 
ments toward  China.” 

The  Chinese  statesman  did  not  speak  without 
some  warrant  in  making  this  sweeping  declara- 
tion. If  the  entire  correspondence  upon  the 
opium  question,  from  beginning  to  end,  had  be- 
tween the  Emperor  of  China  and  the  Queen  of 
Great  Britain — between  a heathen  emperor  and 
a Christian  queen,  as  each  is  commonly  called — 
could  be  submitted  to  an  honest  outsider,  who 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  283 


knew  nothing  of  the  religious  pretensions  of 
either,  there  is  every  reason  to  fear  that  he  would 
conclude  that,  by  some  error  of  type-setting  or 
proof-reading,  the  adjectives  “ heathen  ” and 
“ Christian  ” had  been  interchanged. 

Utterly  discouraged  and  disheartened  at  the 
failure  of  all  efforts,  whether  by  force  or  remon- 
strance, to  check  the  importation  of  opium,  the 
Chinese  Government  abandoned  the  attempt. 
And  it  also  ceased  to  restrain  the  cultivation  of 
the  poppy  in  China.  The  ancient  laws  forbid- 
ding the  use  of  the  soil  for  such  purpose  were 
not  repealed.  For  the  Emperor,  the  author  of  all 
law,  being,  like  the  Pope,  held  infallible,  never 
directly  rescinds  any  action  taken  by  his  imperial 
ancestors.  But  the  laws  were  not  enforced,  and 
large  areas  of  the  country  gradually  blossomed 
out  with  poppies.  A member  of  the  Chinese 
Cabinet  frankly  admitted  that  this  policy  had 
been  adopted  after  full  consideration.  They 
dared  not  attempt  to  restrict  the  importation  of 
Indian  opium  nor  the  punishment  of  natives  for 
smoking  it.  The  only  recourse  left  them  was  to 
fight  fire  with  fire,  to  cut  off  the  demand  for  the 
foreign  drug  with  an  abundant  native  supply. 
He  cynically  claimed  two  advantages  for  this 
line  of  action — the  native  drug  being  produced 
in  a cooler  climate,  was  less  injurious  than  the 


284  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


Indian,  and  the  money  spent  upon  it  would  be 
retained  in  China,  and  would  not  pass  into  the 
pockets  of  foreigners. 

No  extended  argument  can  be  needed  to  make 
plain  the  inevitable  results  of  the  opium  traffic 
upon  every  phase  of  development  and  progress 
in  China.  It  has  been  a triple  bar  against  both, 
since  it  has  impoverished  the  empire  in  purse, 
muscle  and  brain.  The  forced  introduction  of 
opium  to  China  constituted  a greater  crime 
against  humanity  than  the  African  slave  trade. 
And  Great  Britain  herself  has  been  the  most 
serious  foe  to  the  increase  of  foreign  commerce 
with  China  and  the  development  of  her  enormous 
natural  resources.  She  has  been  the  enemy  to  the 
honest  trade  of  every  nation  with  that  empire. 
For  foreign  commerce  must  depend  mainly  upon 
internal  prosperity.  And  the  question  how  much 
increase  in  foreign  traffic  may  be  expected  with 
any  nation,  whose  people  are  from  year  to  year 
more  hopelessly  stupefied,  besotted  and  impov- 
erished by  opium  is  a question  which  answers 
itself.  No  growing  demand  for  foreign  cotton 
goods  or  woolens  may  be  expected  from  men — 
mere  wretched  bundles  of  bones — who,  because 
of  opium,  are  unable  to  buy  enough  of  the  mean- 
est native  rags  to  cover  their  nakedness.  The 
conveniences  and  luxuries  of  Western  civiliza- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  285 


tion  furnish  no  attraction  to  the  man  whose  only 
convenience  is  an  opium  lamp  and  whose  only 
idea  of  luxury  is  the  opium  pipe. 

There  is  a peculiar  fitness  in  the  fact  that 
Great  Britain  is  herself  the  greatest  sufferer  from 
her  vicious  policy.  She  is  the  only  European 
nation  which  sells  any  appreciable  amount  of 
commodities  to  the  Chinese.  Russia  is  not  an 
exporting  country.  Germany  has  become  such 
only  in  recent  years.  The  silks  of  France  natu- 
rally find  no  market  in  China,  the  mother  land 
of  all  silk  industries;  the  Chinese  fortunately 
have  acquired  no  appetite  for  her  wines  or 
brandies,  and  the  infinite  variety  of  French 
fancy  articles  appeal  neither  to  their  taste  nor 
their  pockets.  In  1871  the  entire  imports  into 
China  from  the  whole  of  Continental  Europe 
amounted  to  barely  $300,000.  During  the  same 
period  British  imports,  excluding  opium, 
amounted  to  more  than  $63,000,000.  And  the 
hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  which  she  has 
drawn  from  China,  during  the  past  sixty  years, 
for  opium  represent  a small  sum  when  compared 
with  what  might  have  been  gained,  to  the  advan- 
tage of  both  countries,  if  she  had  suppressed  the 
sale  of  the  drug,  and  confined  herself  to  lines  of 
honest  commerce. 

Another  serious  and  widespread  result  of  the 


286  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


opium  traffic  is  the  intense  hatred  of  all  things 
and  all  men  foreign.  It  is  quite  unnecessary  to 
vilify  the  missionary  body,  in  order  to  discover 
the  cause  of  this  bitter  anti-foreign  feeling  so 
universal  in  China.  While  other  causes  have 
co-operated  to  generate  and  sustain  it,  the  larg- 
est single  cause,  the  most  important  factor,  is 
the  source,  history  and  results  of  opium.  And 
that  man  must  be  blind  indeed  to  the  ordinary 
operations  of  human  nature  who  could  expect 
any  other  result.  Let  any  intelligent,  fair-minded 
reader  put  himself  into  the  place  of  the  Chinese, 
run  over  in  his  mind  the  history  of  the  use  of  this 
narcotic  poison  in  that  great  Oriental  empire, 
and  then  decide  what  the  resultant  and  inevitable 
feeling  must  be  toward  the  authors  of  such  a 
scourge. 

Probably  no  people  upon  earth  ever  possessed 
so  much  national  vanity  and  conceit  as  the  Chi- 
nese. It  had  been  bred  in  them  for  hundreds  of 
years,  and  was  justified  in  their  minds  by  the  fact 
that  the  only  races  with  which  they  had  come 
into  contact  for  many  centuries  were  greatly  in- 
ferior to  them  in  every  respect.  From  their 
point  of  view,  they  have  been  attacked  and  over- 
come by  an  unknown  and  necessarily  inferior 
race,  for  the  sake  of  the  money  which  was  to  be 
made  by  forcing  a deadly  poison  upon  them.  Is 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  287 


any  other  explanation  of  the  anti-foreign  feeling 
in  the  Chinese  Empire  necessary? 

It  covers  foreigners  of  all  nationalities,  because 
the  mass  of  the  people  are  able  to  make  no  dis- 
crimination among  them.  Opium  is  a foreign 
drug  forced  upon  them  by  foreigners — that 
covers  the  whole  question.  Every  victim  of  the 
drug,  and  he  is  everywhere  to  be  found,  is  a 
walking  advertisement  and  argument  to  the  evil 
of  everything  foreign.  And  in  the  case  of  the 
slave  to  the  vice,  his  brain  is  narcotized,  and 
every  moral  and  manly  quality  deadened  by  the 
fumes  of  the  Indian  drug,  but  the  hatred  of  the 
foreigner  who  has  furnished  and  forced  this 
deadly  comfort  upon  him  is  cultivated  and  in- 
tensified by  the  sense  of  his  own  degradation. 

The  writer  listened  for  some  time  one  after- 
noon to  a missionary,  addressing  a large  gather- 
ing of  natives  upon  the  street  of  an  interior  city 
of  China.  Near  by  and  upon  the  outskirts  of  the 
crowd  stood  a middle-aged  Chinese,  evidently  of 
the  literary  class  and  having  a countenance  of 
much  intelligence.  Physically  he  was  a mere 
walking  skeleton.  The  tiny  opium  jar  in  his 
hand,  the  expression  of  his  eyes,  and  the  brown 
stain  upon  one  of  his  fingers,  all  marked  him  as 
a slave  to  the  narcotic  poison.  After  listening  a 
few  minutes  to  the  preacher,  he  turned  away  with 


288  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


an  indescribable  scowl  of  hatred  upon  his  face, 
and  snarled  out  as  he  left:  “ You  foreigners  ex- 
hort us  to  virtue ! First  take  away  your  opium, 
and  then  talk  to  us  about  your  Ya  Su  ” (Jesus). 

China  is  permitted  to  establish  no  national 
protective  tariff,  but  she  has  a national  protec- 
tive sentiment  of  inveterate  hostility  to  every 
product,  be  it  a man,  a thing,  or  an  idea,  coming 
from  the  Western  world.  It  hinders  and  hurts 
every  line  of  progress,  at  every  point.  And  the 
main  source  and  feeder  of  this  sentiment  is  to  be 
found  in  the  opium  traffic. 

The  modern  great  Chinese  Wall  is  mainly 
constructed  of  chests  of  opium. 


CHAPTER  X. 


FOREIGN  AGGRESSION. 

The  great  and  persistent  fear  of  the  Chinese 
race,  since  the  inception  of  relations  with  the 
people  of  America  and  Europe,  has  been  the  ab- 
sorption of  the  empire  by  the  latter.  The  mat- 
ter is  discussed  and  debated  in  every  tea-house 
and  place  of  public  resort.  The  most  ridiculous 
stories  and  absurd  statements  find  ready  cre- 
dence among  the  ignorant  classes,  whose  fears 
cause  nothing  which  bears  upon  the  question  to 
seem  grotesque.  The  more  intelligent  and 
official  classes,  while  they  discredit  some  of  the 
fairy  tales  in  circulation,  still  believe  such  to  be 
the  hostile  if  slow-moving  purpose  of  Western 
governments,  and  regard  every  demand  for  in- 
creased facilities  for  trade,  or  enlarged  inter- 
course, as  one  step  more  in  a path  which  means 
destruction  to  China.  This  fear  is  the  larger 
cause  of  such  opposition  to  missionary  work  as 
is  found  among  the  natives.  Whatever  may  be 


29o  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


his  ostensible  calling,  each  foreigner  is,  in  fact,  a 
secret  political  agent.  And  each  missionary  is  a 
government  spy,  disguised  in  clerical  robes  and 
calling. 

Like  people  of  all  other  races  and  nationali- 
ties, the  Chinese  regard  their  land  as  the  finest 
upon  the  earth.  As  naturally  they  are  convinced 
that  all  foreigners,  whatever  they  may  profess  to 
the  contrary,  are  really  of  this  same  opinion. 
And,  from  this  conviction,  it  is  but  a short  step 
to  the  other — the  men  of  the  West  are  bent  upon 
stealing  China.  It  is  only  upon  this  ground  that 
they  are  able  to  explain,  to  their  own  satisfac- 
tion, the  wandering  propensities  of  foreigners. 
No  Chinaman  ever  travels  abroad  for  purposes 
of  pleasure,  curiosity  or  information.  Hence 
why  should  foreigners  do  so?  None  of  their 
own  race  go  abroad  for  business  who  are  able  to 
escape  starvation  at  home.  Why,  then,  should 
Western  men  seek  so  far  and  seem  so  eager  for 
trade,  unless  they  had  found  in  China  a land 
immeasurably  better  and  richer  than  their  own, 
which  they  were  determined  to  seize  and  hold? 

There  is  a curious  confirmation  of  the  state- 
ment that  this  is  the  working  theory  upon  which 
the  Chinese  explain  the  persistent  presence  of 
foreigners  in  their  land,  to  be  found  in  a memo- 
rial sent  by  the  governor  of  Canton  to  the 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  291 


Emperor  in  1834,  and  quoted  elsewhere  upon  an- 
other point.  The  governor  said : “ But  the  tea, 
the  raw  silk,  the  rhubarb  of  the  Inner  Land 
(China)  are  the  sources  by  which  the  said  na- 
tion’s people  (Great  Britain)  live  and  main- 
tain life.”  ..."  Besides,  all  the  merchants 
of  the  said  nation  dare  dangers,  crossing  the  seas 
myriads  of  miles,  to  come  from  far.  Their  hopes 
rest  wholly  in  the  attainment  of  gain  by  buying 
and  selling.”  And  in  an  order  sent  at  the  same 
time  to  the  British  Commissioner,  through  Chi- 
nese merchants,  the  governor  said : “ With  re- 
gard to  the  foreign  factory  of  the  company, 
without  the  walls  of  the  city,  it  is  a place  of  tem- 
porary residence  for  foreigners  coming  to  Can- 
ton to  trade;  they  are  permitted  only  to  eat, 
sleep,  buy,  and  sell  in  the  factory.  They  are  not 
allowed  to  go  out  to  ramble  about.”  Thus  early 
did  the  Chinese  show  their  suspicion,  contempt, 
and  fear  of  foreigners,  and  their  interpretation  of 
the  motives  and  purposes  which  took  them  to 
the  Celestial  Empire. 

As  pointed  out  elsewhere,  the  conduct  of  such 
Europeans  as  visited  China  in  early  days  fur- 
nished ample  ground  for  the  belief  that  they  in- 
tended to  take  possession  of  the  country.  The 
Dutch  introduced  themselves  to  the  Chinese  in 
a.d.  1622  by  means  of  a fleet  of  seventeen  men- 


292  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


of-war,  and  proceeded  to  attack  Macao,  where 
the  Spaniards  had  already  established  them- 
selves by  force  of  arms.  Being  repulsed  in  this 
attack,  they  took  possession  of  the  Pescadore 
Islands,  also  Chinese  territory,  where  they  forced 
the  native  occupants  with  brutal  severity  to 
build  them  fortifications.  At  different  times 
thereafter  they  made  descents  upon  Amoy,  the 
island  of  Formosa,  and  other  points  along  the 
coast,  but  eventually  abandoned  or  were  beaten 
away  from  them  all,  and  gave  up  their  designs 
of  obtaining  “ a foothold  for  trade  ” in  China. 

The  Portuguese,  by  similar  violence,  estab- 
lished themselves  at  Ningpo  as  early  as  a.d. 
1525.  Their  inhuman  treatment  of  the  natives 
brought  a tardy  vengeance  upon  them,  and  in 
a.d.  1545  they  were  driven  out  of  that  city  with  a 
loss  of  eight  hundred  lives,  thirty-five  foreign 
and  two  native  vessels.  They,  too,  attacked  and 
held  other  points  for  a time,  but  afterward  aban- 
doned them,  finally  seizing  Macao,  which  they 
still  continue  to  hold. 

Entirely  aside  from  the  inevitable  feeling  of 
outrage  and  humiliation  aroused  in  the  Chinese 
by  the  capture  of  Macao,  and  the  permanent  re- 
tention of  that  peninsula,  by  a combination  of 
fraud  and  force,  the  government  of  Portugal  has 
made  it  a constant  source  of  annoyance  and 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  293 


serious  trouble  to  the  imperial  authorities.  For 
many  years  it  was  the  centre  and  base  of  supply 
of  the  infamous  coolie  traffic.  When  that  form 
of  human  slavery  was  at  last  stamped  out  of  ex- 
istence in  1874,  its  value  as  a source  of  revenue 
to  Portugal  was  gone.  It  had  had  no  trade 
whatever  since  Canton  and  Hong  Kong,  its  near 
neighbors,  were  opened  to  foreign  commerce  in 
1842.  After  repeated  efforts,  made  by  both  Por- 
tugal and  Spain,  to  reopen  the  coolie  trade,  the 
former  seeking  revenue  from  the  business,  and 
the  latter  needing  slaves  for  the  Cuban  sugar 
plantations,  the  attempt  was  abandoned,  and  the 
Portuguese  authorities  opened  Macao  as  a 
gambling  resort.  The  right  to  establish  tables 
for  playing  “ fan  tan,”  a game  of  chance  forbid- 
den in  China,  was  farmed  out,  and  the  King  of 
Portugal  derives  a small  but  welcome  annual 
sum  from  this  dilapidated  and  malodorous 
Monte  Carlo  upon  the  coast  of  southern  China. 
It  is  the  resort  of  Chinese  desperadoes  of  every 
class,  and,  in  a small  way,  a base  of  smuggling 
operations. 

At  the  close  of  the  “Opium  War”  in  1842, 
the  government  of  Great  Britain  exacted  from 
China,  among  other  penalties,  the  cession  of  the 
island  of  Hong  Kong.  It  was  created  into  the 
colony  of  Victoria,  and  has  remained  continu- 


294  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


ously  since  under  British  ownership.  Lying 
within  rifle  range  of  the  mainland,  and  com- 
manding the  approaches  by  sea  to  Canton,  then 
the  largest  and  only  known  port  for  foreign  traf- 
fic, it  became  at  once  of  enormous  value  to  Eng- 
land. The  island  consists  of  a single  peak  of  rock 
thrust  up  out  of  deep  water,  and  is  both  easily 
accessible  by  vessels  of  every  size,  and  easily  de- 
fended. The  possession  of  it  by  Great  Britain 
resolved  every  difficulty  in  the  way  of  the  contra- 
band trade  in  opium,  which  that  government 
was  in  truth  actively  fostering,  and  from  which  a 
very  large  revenue  was  derived.  Hong  Kong 
became  the  headquarters  of  the  most  enormous, 
and  infamous,  smuggling  fraternity  known  in 
the  history  of  the  world.  Cargoes  of  the  drug 
were  landed  there  from  Calcutta  and  Bombay, 
thence  shipped  in  clipper  schooners  to  every 
point  upon  the  Chinese  coast.  A military  and 
naval  station  was  established  there,  by  means  of 
which  the  swift  and  heavy  hand  of  British  ven- 
geance could  be  laid  upon  the  Chinese  authori- 
ties, whenever  they  showed  any  persistency  or 
determination  in  their  efforts  to  suppress  the 
traffic.  The  cession  of  Hong  Kong  made  cer- 
tain and  unavoidable  the  issue  of  all  protests  and 
all  struggles  by  the  imperial  authorities  against 
the  impoverishment  and  debauchery  of  their 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  295 


people.  And  here  again,  to  the  inevitable  hu- 
miliation and  shame  felt  by  the  Chinese  at  the 
loss  of  territory,  was  added  rage,  all  the  more 
bitter  because  impotent,  that  the  soil  of  the  em- 
pire was  being  used  as  standing  ground  from 
which  to  work  the  ruin  of  the  race. 

The  British  trade  returns  for  Hong  Kong  foi 
the  year  1897  show  an  estimated  population  of 
about  247,000,  more  than  ninety  per  cent,  of 
which  is  Chinese,  and  a total  value  of  commerce 
amounting  to  two  hundred  and  fifty  million  dol- 
lars. But  these  last  figures  would,  without  ex- 
planation, entirely  mislead  the  average  reader. 
The  colony  is  solely  a point  of  collection,  trans- 
shipment, and  distribution.  It  produces  nothing 
for  export,  and  buys  only  for  local  consumption. 
Silk,  tea,  matting  and  other  native  exports  are 
brought  to  Hong  Kong  from  near-by  Chinese 
points,  and  there  shipped  in  large  seagoing  ves- 
sels to  all  parts  of  the  world.  In  a similar  way, 
cotton  goods,  metals,  flour,  opium,  kerosene,  and 
other  foreign  merchandise  reach  Hong  Kong 
in  deep-sea  craft,  and  are  distributed  in  junks, 
river  and  coasting  steamers,  to  different  parts  of 
China.  The  trade  statistics  show  merely  the 
total  value  of  Chinese  and  foreign  merchandise 
which  passed  through  Hong  Kong  in  1897. 

What  the  island  became  at  the  outset  of  its 


296  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


ownership  by  the  British  it  has  since  remained — 
a vast  smuggling  centre.  After  the  enforced 
legalization  of  the  opium  traffic  in  i860,  it  was 
more  profitable  to  smuggle  the  drug  than  to  pay 
the  very  low  import  duty.  And  to  a large  ex- 
tent the  demand  from  points  near  Hong  Kong 
has  continued  to  be  supplied  with  opium  upon 
which  no  tax  has  been  paid.  Efforts  made  by 
the  Chinese  authorities  to  protect  the  revenue 
have  met  with  no  very  hearty  assistance  at  the 
hands  of  the  colonial  officials.  In  Hong  Kong, 
and,  theoretically,  for  local  consumption  only, 
the  right  to  refine  and  sell  opium  is  farmed  out 
by  the  British  authorities,  at  a rent  of  $15,500 
per  month.  The  owner  of  this  monopoly  does 
an  average  monthly  business  of  $40,000.  Thus 
he  pays  a tax  to  the  British  Colonial  Govern- 
ment of  more  than  thirty-eight  per  cent,  of  his 
gross  business.  Lord  Charles  Beresford,  in 
comment  upon  this  state  of  facts,  says : “ The 

opium  farmer  is  known  to  be  the  largest  smug- 
gler of  opium  into  the  country.  If  he  did  not 
smuggle  he  could  not  afford  to  pay  the  large 
rent  demanded  by  the  British  Government.” 
He  mildly  censures  the  Hong  Kong  authorities 
for  thus,  indirectly,  encouraging  an  illegitimate 
traffic  with  a neighboring  and  friendly  Power, 
and  adds  that  such  a course  is  “ in  direct  oppo- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  297 


sition  to  the  sentiments  and  traditions  of  the 
laws  of  the  British  Empire.”  He  does  not  in- 
form his  curious  readers  at  what  point  of  time, 
in  the  history  of  Great  Britain,  the  smuggling  of 
opium  into  China  became  opposed  to  any  tra- 
ditions or  sentiments  of  the  English  people,  or 
rather  of  the  British  Government. 

The  masses  of  the  Chinese  people  apparently 
look  with  less  keen  disfavor  upon  any  threat- 
ened encroachments  of  Russia  than  upon  the 
actual  or  threatened  aggressions  of  other  Euro- 
pean Powers.  There  are  a variety  of  reasons  for 
this  peculiar  difference  in  sentiment.  Perhaps 
the  most  important  of  these  is  the  fact  that 
hitherto  the  Russian  hand  has  not  been  stretched 
out  to  grasp  any  portion  of  strictly  Chinese  ter- 
ritory. Port  Arthur  is  not  in  China,  but  in  Man- 
churia. And  any  questions  concerning  Man- 
churia do  not  touch  the  people  of  the  empire 
closely.  They  concern  the  reigning  family  rather 
than  the  Chinese.  And  the  average  Chinaman 
will  regard  with  a fair  amount  of  complacency 
any  disposition  which  the  Emperor  may  be 
coerced,  or  see  fit  to  make,  of  what  is  his  own 
family  possession.  Then  the  Russians  have  been 
neighbors  of  the  Chinese  upon  the  north  and 
northwest  for  a lengthy  period  of  time.  There 
are  many  points  of  close  similarity  between  the 


298  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


people  of  the  two  races.  They  have  long-estab- 
lished trade  relations.  They  know  and  under- 
stand each  other  better.  Such  of  the  Russians 
as  come  into  direct  contact  with  the  commoner 
classes  of  Chinese  are  Asiatics  rather  than  Euro- 
peans. And  many  of  the  educated  Chinese,  in- 
cluding some  high  officials,  have  been  known 
to  trace  out  and  claim  a relationship  of  blood  be- 
tween the  ancestors  of  the  present  Czar  and  the 
ancient  emperors  of  China. 

In  addition  to  all  this,  and  at  least  in  cases 
where  Orientals  are  to  be  dealt  with,  the  Russian 
diplomatist  is  probably  the  best  in  the  world.  He 
suits  his  means  more  carefully,  and  with  greater 
tact  and  discretion,  to  those  with  whom  he  has  to 
deal,  as  well  as  to  the  end  to  be  attained.  The 
brutal  aggressiveness  and  self-assertion  of  the 
British  is  peculiarly  offensive  to  the  Chinese 
statesman.  He  does  not  choose  to  have  a man- 
of-war  frequently  thrust  into  his  face  nor  to  see 
daily  demands  formulated  and  placed  before  him. 
The  Russian  seldom  demands  and  never  threat- 
ens. He  cajoles,  persuades,  compromises,  appears 
to  yield,  does  yield  for  the  moment,  but  eventu- 
ally, and  almost  invariably,  conquers  the  Oriental 
in  his  own  game.  It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that, 
in  case  the  officials  and  people  were  forced  into 
choice  of  some  European  government  into 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  299 


whose  hands  they  must  fall,  they  would  select 
Russia. 

China  and  Japan  are,  of  old,  rivals  and 
enemies.  Corea,  Formosa,  and  the  Liu  Chiu 
Islands  have,  first  and  last,  been  the  occasion 
of  much  dispute  and  many  battles  between 
them.  Japan  borrowed  much  from  her  older 
and  wiser  neighbor  in  language,  religion,  litera- 
ture, art,  products  of  the  soil,  and  processes 
of  manufacture.  And,  as  is  usual  in  such  cases, 
she  despised  the  nation  from  whom  she  received 
so  much.  China  looked  down  upon  the  Japanese, 
at  times  with  complacent  patronage,  more  fre- 
quently with  exasperated  contempt  and  anger, 
because  they  were  so  small  a nation,  yet  lacked  in 
reverence,  and  were  so  hard  to  whip.  But,  under 
it  all,  there  was  a certain  feeling  of  kinship.  They 
were  of  different  races,  but  both  Oriental.  And 
this  sentiment  only  served  to  intensify  and  deepen 
the  hatred  felt  by  China,  in  more  recent  days,  to- 
ward Japan  for  casting  aside  ancient  traditions 
and  customs,  and  indulging  in  a mad  rush  for 
anything  and  everything  that  was  modern  and 
Western.  To  Chinese  eyes  it  was  a foolish,  and 
almost  insulting,  repudiation  of  all  that  was 
sacred  and  most  desirable,  and  an  apish  imitation 
of  the  barbarous  customs  and  ways  of  the  de- 
spised and  feared  men  of  the  West. 


3oo  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


The  war  with  Japan  taught  China  some  very 
bitter  and  humiliating,  but  wholesome,  lessons. 
It  demonstrated  her  weakness,  under  modern 
conditions,  against  a people  of  less  than  one-tenth 
of  her  population.  It  furnished  an  object  lesson 
of  what  American  or  European  powers  might  be 
able  to  do,  if  the  time  came  when  any  one  of  them 
should  see  fit  to  enforce  their  demands  with  the 
sword.  It  did  not  prove  all  this  to  the  masses  of 
the  people,  but  to  political  leaders  and  the  more 
intelligent.  After  the  first  outburst  of  anger 
over  defeat  was  passed,  there  came  a certain  feel- 
ing of  respect  for  the  Japanese,  and,  possibly,  a 
revival  to  a slight  degree  of  the  old  feeling  of 
kinship.  Some  of  the  highest  and  most  influen- 
tial of  Chinese  officials  recognized  a greater  dan- 
ger to  the  empire  in  the  near  future  than  any 
likely  to  come  from  Japan.  More  than  one  me- 
morial was  submitted  to  the  Throne,  urging  close 
alliance  with  the  Japanese  in  order  to  make  com- 
mon cause  with  them  against  a common  foe,  and 
the  reorganization  of  the  Chinese  army  and  navy 
under  the  supervision  and  advice  of  the  Japanese. 
To-day  the  government  of  China  is  far  more  con- 
tent with  Formosa  in  the  hands  of  Japan  than  it 
would  be  were  that  island  under  the  control  of 
any  European  power. 

For  many  years  the  government  of  France  has 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  301 


been  exploiting  schemes  of  political  aggrandize- 
ment in  Siam,  Tonquin,  and  upon  the  southern 
frontier  of  China.  Having  absorbed  the  more 
valuable  portions  of  the  two  countries  named,  a 
“ sphere  of  interest  ” in  that  part  of  China  near- 
est has  been  claimed.  And  it  is  believed  by  many 
of  the  more  intelligent  Chinese  officials  that  the 
troubles  fomented  in  those  parts  of  China  by 
priests  have  a definite  connection  with  French  de- 
signs upon  the  entire  line  of  Chinese  southern 
frontier  provinces.  It  is  known  to  all  the  world 
that  France  stands  prepared  to  demand  that  area 
as  its  share  of  the  plunder,  in  case  of  the  partition 
of  the  empire.  A long  series  of  impertinent, 
vexatious,  and  inconsistent  demands,  in  connec- 
tion and  line  with  this  ulterior  purpose,  have  been 
argued  and  pushed  with  the  authorities  at  Pe- 
king, to  the  extent,  upon  one  occasion,  of  actual 
war. 

It  is  impossible  not  to  sympathize  with  the  ex- 
asperation and  intense  anger  felt  by  the  Chinese 
Government  at  this  policy  of  greed  and  eagerness 
to  administer  upon  the  effects  of  a nation  neither 
dead  nor  moribund.  No  possible  arguments  can 
be  cited  to  justify  the  course  of  France,  except 
such  as  sanction  the  deeds  of  the  highwayman 
and  burglar.  She  has  neither  present  nor  pros- 
pective Chinese  trade  to  foster  and  develop. 


302  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


French  merchants  in  France,  there  are  none  in 
China)  take  less  than  eighteen  per  cent,  of  the 
raw  silk  exported  from  China,  and  nothing  else 
worthy  of  mention.  France  sells  nothing  to  the 
Chinese,  nor  is  she  likely  to  be  able  to  do  so  in 
the  future.  Aside  from  a highly  subsidized  mail 
steamship  line,  there  is  no  discoverable  French 
commercial  marine,  in  or  near  Chinese  waters. 
The  outcome  of  all  her  plans,  if  successful,  would 
be  the  levy  of  a tax,  for  the  benefit  of  her  govern- 
ment, upon  an  international  commerce  with  which 
she  had  no  part  and  no  natural  connection. 
There  are  selfish  reasons  which  may  serve  to  jus- 
tify the  course  of  Great  Britain  and  Germany  in 
certain  lines  of  action  in  China.  But  none  of 
these  have  any  application  to  France. 

There  is  ample  proof  that  the  French  are  the 
least  natural  colonists  in  the  world.  If  they  were 
the  best,  there  is  no  room  for  them  in  the  already 
overcrowded  provinces  of  Southern  China.  And 
they  cannot  live  in  the  pestiferous  climate  of  the 
regions,  already  seized,  south  of  the  Chinese  Em- 
pire. It  has  also  been  proved  that  the  French 
have  no  natural  fitness  nor  ability  for  the  man- 
agement of  alien  races.  They  do  little  or  nothing 
for  their  improvement  and  elevation.  The 
Frenchman  is  a posturist,  but  not  a reformer. 
The  various  French  concessions,  or  areas  of  terri- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  303 


tory  at  the  various  open  ports  of  China  in  which 
the  authorities  of  France  have  full  sway,  are  sim- 
ply the  hotbeds  for  the  propagation  of  every  form 
of  native  and  foreign  vice.  They  are  not  the 
centres  of  French  trade,  for  there  is  none.  They 
are  simply  hideous  and  disgusting  cancerous 
growths  upon  humanity. 

In  point  of  fact,  the  Chinese  find  no  points  of 
contact  with  the  French,  and  have  no  need  of 
them.  If  the  French  diplomatic  and  consular  es- 
tablishments were  withdrawn  from  China,  the 
only  noticeable  effect  would  be  the  immediate 
quieting  of  some  political  waters  which  now  are 
greatly  troubled  and  disturbed.  The  Chinese 
have  manifestly  no  taste  for  French  products, 
since  in  sixty  years  no  trade  has  been  developed. 
There  is  nothing  in  the  hysterical,  semi-military 
and  pseudo-republican  form  of  government  at 
present  in  vogue  in  France  which  can  prove  in 
the  least  degree  attractive  to  the  Chinese.  There 
is  no  demand  for  French  manners,  since  there  is 
much  more  of  grace  and  repose  in  Chinese  cour- 
tesy and  etiquette  than  is  to  be  found  in  the  far- 
famed,  and  somewhat  gymnastic,  Parisian  sys- 
tem. Nor  is  China  in  the  least  likely  to  appre- 
ciate and  adopt  the  peculiarly  French  practice  of 
innocuous  dueling. 

Germany  has  come  more  recently  within  the 


3o4  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


range  of  the  watchful  and  suspicious  gaze  of  the 
Chinese.  Considering  the  caution  and  reserve 
which  are  so  pre-eminently  characteristic  of  the 
Chinese,  she  gained  a considerable  prestige  with 
great  rapidity,  and  might  have  pushed  her  com- 
mercial interests  to  an  almost  unlimited  extent, 
and  largely  at  the  expense  of  British  merchants, 
if  she  had  been  content  to  avoid  all  schemes  of 
territorial  conquest.  She  would  then  have  stood 
in  bold  relief,  and  high  in  the  favor  and  confi- 
dence of  the  government  at  Peking,  as  the  one 
great  European  Power  which  sought  only  mutual 
benefits,  had  no  designs  upon  the  integrity  of  the 
empire,  but  was  prepared  to  render  the  same 
scrupulous  respect  for  the  rights  of  others  which 
she  exacted  for  her  own.  She  was  handicapped 
with  no  weight  of  ancient  grudges  or  suspicions. 
Her  successes  would  have  been  all  the  greater,  as 
she  showed  herself  to  be  the  one  nation  in  all 
Europe  worthy  of  trust.  All  this  is  not  so  much 
morality  as  simple  common-sense. 

But  the  seizure  of  Kiao  Chow  in  the  province 
of  Shantung  destroyed  both  prestige  and  oppor- 
tunity. By  that  act,  Germany  placed  herself,  in 
the  minds  of  the  Chinese,  in  the  black  list  of 
treacherous  and  ravening  European  wolves,  hun- 
gry to  tear  in  pieces  and  devour  their  patrimony. 
The  nominal  “ lease  ” of  the  area  for  a long 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  305 


term  of  years  deceived  no  one.  That  it  was 
taken  in  reparation  for  the  murder  of  two  mis- 
sionaries was  instantly  recognized  as  a very 
flimsy  pretext.  Even  Great  Britain  had  never 
demanded  territory  in  exchange  for  missionary 
blood,  but  only  in  case  of  interference  with  its 
sales  of  opium. 

The  entire  wretched  theory  of  the  maintenance 
of  a balance  of  power,  or  a parity  of  influence,  is 
rightly  regarded  by  the  Chinese  as  of  a piece  with 
the  rest,  a graduated  process  of  spoliation.  The 
practical  operation  of  the  idea  is  seen  in  recent 
events.  At  the  close  of  the  Japanese  war,  Russia, 
Germany,  and  France  warned  Japan  away  from 
Port  Arthur  and  Manchuria.  Russia,  shortly 
thereafter,  took  Port  Arthur  herself,  and  thus  be- 
gan the  operation  of  gorging  Manchuria.  As 
Russia  had  received  a mouthful,  Germany  must 
have  something,  and  the  opportune  murder  of 
two  missionaries  furnished  the  excuse  for  taking 
Kiao  Chow.  As  Russia  and  Germany  had  each 
selected  a portion,  the  hunger  of  Great  Britain 
must  be  appeased  and  she  absorbed  Wei  Hai  Wei, 
thus  placing  herself  midway  between  the  other 
two.  Then,  as  Russia,  Germany,  and  Great  Brit- 
ain had  each  been  fed,  France  temporarily  satisfied 
her  appetite  with  sundry  small  mouthfuls  down 
in  her  southern  corner.  Italy  said  that  she  too 


30 6 REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


had  a stomach,  and  selected  her  piece,  but  the 
other  Powers  named  evidently  thought  that  she 
had  best  not  disturb  the  Chinese.  Where  do  na- 
tional honor,  dignity,  or  self-respect  have  place 
or  play  in  such  an  indecent  scramble  for  spoil  and 
plunder  as  this?  And  yet  there  were  those  who 
suggested  that  the  United  States  should  “ take 
some.” 

When,  by  the  treaties  with  China,  certain  ports 
were  opened  to  foreign  commerce,  limited  areas 
of  land  were  assigned  at  each  to  the  different 
Powers  making  the  treaties,  within  which  their 
people  might  reside  and  transact  their  business. 
These  areas  have  come  to  be  called  the  Foreign 
Concessions.  At  Shanghai,  for  example,  there  is 
what  is  known  as  the  American  Concession,  the 
British  Concession,  and  the  French  Concession. 
In  making  these  allotments,  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment did  not  surrender  its  rights  of  sovereignty 
over  the  territory,  nor  was  any  such  surrender 
asked  or  understood  by  the  foreign  authorities 
interested.  The  arrangement  was  made  for  mu- 
tual convenience.  The  foreigners  naturally  pre- 
ferred, for  social  and  other  purposes,  to  live  by 
themselves.  As  these  same  treaties  gave  the  Chi- 
nese no  jurisdiction  over  the  foreigners,  but 
guarded  the  latter  by  placing  them  still  subject 
and  accountable  to  the  officials  and  laws  of  their 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  307 


own  lands,  it  was  better,  from  every  point  of 
view,  that  they  should  be  segregated  from  the 
masses  of  the  Chinese.  They  could  be  more 
readily  protected  and  governed  by  their  own  au- 
thorities. Upon  its  part,  China  preferred  not  to 
have,  scattered  promiscuously  about,  in  the  midst 
of  its  own  subjects,  a mass  of  foreigners,  of  all 
sorts  and  nationalities,  over  whom  it  could  exer- 
cise no  control. 

The  arrangement  has,  upon  the  whole,  worked 
admirably.  And  it  must  be  said,  to  the  great 
honor  and  credit  of  the  British  authorities,  that 
their  concessions,  at  every  Chinese  port,  are 
models  of  order,  good  government,  and,  so  far 
as  the  circumstances  and  surroundings  will  per- 
mit, cleanliness  and  every  sanitary  requirement. 
No  restrictions  are  enforced  against  foreigners 
of  other  than  British  nationality,  nor  against  the 
Chinese.  They  are  really  cosmopolitan,  and  the 
larger  ones  include  landowners  of  many  different 
nationalities.  The  British  Concession  at  Shang- 
hai, in  particular,  is  in  reality  a sort  of  model  re- 
public, and  furnishes  an  invaluable  object  lesson, 
in  every  characteristic  of  a well-regulated  and 
self-governing  community,  to  the  millions  of  Chi- 
nese who  visit  it  from  every  part  of  the  empire. 
What  the  French  concessions,  in  general,  are  has 
already  been  described. 


308  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


But  this  mutually  desirable  and  convenient  ad- 
justment has  been  made  the  source  of  continuous 
aggression  and  encroachments  upon  Chinese 
rights  and  prerogatives,  mainly  by  the  French. 
In  Peking,  when  the  various  legations  were  estab- 
lished there  in  i860,  the  imperial  authorities 
kindly  assisted  the  French  Minister  in  his  search 
for  suitable  quarters,  and  finally  turned  over  to 
him  a piece  of  government  property,  in  the  shape 
of  the  palace  of  a prince,  under  a perpetual  lease 
and  at  the  nominal  rental  of  one  thousand  Mexi- 
can dollars  annually.  The  property  was  worth 
many  times  that  sum  as  rent.  After  two  years 
the  French  ceased  to  make  any  payments,  and 
claimed  the  premises  by  right  of  ownership.  And 
this  peculiar  conduct  was,  by  the  way,  the  other 
“ question  ” upon  which  the  Prime  Minister, 
Wen  Hsiang,  desired  to  consult  the  writer,  as 
mentioned  in  the  chapter  upon  “ Opium.” 

In  a somewhat  similar  spirit  and  manner,  the 
French  authorities  at  the  several  ports  have  grad- 
ually assumed  full  sovereignty  and  ownership  of 
the  French  concessions,  claiming  them  openly  as 
“a  portion  of  the  soil  of  France.”  There  is  no 
word  in  the  treaties  to  justify  any  such  assump- 
tion, and  the  only  right  of  ownership  which  the 
French  can  have  in  their  concessions  is  the  right 
which  the  thief  may  have  to  stolen  property. 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  309 


While  they  are  thus  claiming  rights  which  are  not 
theirs,  and  demonstrating  their  unfitness  and  in- 
capacity to  govern  communities  in  which  more 
than  ninety-five  per  cent,  of  the  population  is  Chi- 
nese, and  French  residents  are  conspicuous  by 
their  absence — in  other  words,  while  they  are 
furnishing  abundant  proof  that  they  are  not 
entitled  to  have  concessions  at  the  open  ports, 
they  are  continually  harassing  and  vexing  the 
Chinese  authorities  with  all  sorts  of  demands  and 
importunities.  In  1897,  the  French  Consul-Gen- 
eral at  Shanghai  demanded  a large  increase  in  the 
area  of  his  concession.  The  plot  of  ground  for 
which  he  asked,  and  upon  which  he  wished, 
among  other  things,  to  construct  a slaughter- 
house, contained  a burial-ground  upon  which 
were  thousands  of  graves  of  all  ages.  There 
was  also  a temple  upon  the  premises.  He  not 
only  proposed  to  desecrate  this  spot,  the  most 
sacred  of  all  in  the  eyes  of  the  Chinese,  but  he 
modestly  demanded  that  all  bodies  and  old  coffins 
should  be  removed  at  the  expense  of  the  sur- 
viving relatives. 

The  Chinese  Government  was  coerced  into 
yielding  to  this  demand.  But  when,  upon  the 
1 6th  of  July,  1898,  a large  body  of  armed  French 
men-of-wars  men  were  landed  to  destroy  the  tem- 
ple and  take  possession  of  the  ground,  they  were 


3io  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


attacked  by  a mob.  In  the  battle  which  ensued, 
seventeen  Chinamen  were  killed  and  twenty-six 
wounded.  But  the  temper  of  the  people  was  so 
excited  and  hostile,  that  proceedings  for  the 
French  occupancy  of  the  area  were  temporarily 
abandoned. 

The  next  step  in  the  progress  of  the  Consul- 
General  was  in  the  nature  of  a demand  for  com- 
pensation for  the  riot,  and  that  he  be  put  into 
quiet  possession  of  the  conceded  ground.  In  De- 
cember, 1898,  he  proposed,  in  a great  spirit  of 
conciliation,  that,  in  lieu  of  the  pecuniary  com- 
pensation previously  demanded,  an  additional 
concession  of  land  be  made  to  France.  He  asked 
for  the  entire  river  frontage  of  the  Chinese  city  of 
Shanghai.  Upon  this  is  a fine  granite  wharf, 
newly  built,  and  extensive  stores  and  warehouses 
equal  to  those  found  in  any  American  seaport,  all 
in  excellent  order,  lightedby  electricity,  and  doing 
an  enormous  business.  If  all  this  property,  to- 
gether with  another  large  block  of  land  upon  the 
other  side  of  the  Chinese  city,  were  surrendered, 
in  place  of  pecuniary  compensation  for  the  riot, 
and  the  temple  and  burial-ground  were  added  to 
the  concession,  the  honor  of  France  would  be  sat- 
isfied, and  there  would  be  no  more  trouble. 

Another  scheme  in  connection  with  these  for- 
eign areas  at  the  open  ports  has  been  more  than 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  31 1 


once  successfully  exploited  at  the  expense  of 
the  Chinese  Government,  costing  much  money, 
as  well  as  producing  serious  ill-feeling.  For- 
eign residents  within  the  concessions  have  fre- 
quently bought  land  outside  of  them  from  the 
natives,  and  erected  extensive  buildings  thereon 
for  various  business  purposes.  There  is  no 
treaty  right  to  do  this,  but  the  Chinese  authorities 
have  good-naturedly  permitted  it.  In  such  and 
all  other  land  purchases  in  China,  formal  and 
duly  recorded  deeds  are  given,  exactly  as  is  the 
custom  in  the  United  States.  With  this  fact 
kept  in  mind,  the  peculiar  variety  of  spoliation 
about  to  be  described  will  be  readily  understood. 

Imagine  a treaty  port  at  which  there  are  but 
two  concessions,  a British  and  a French.  A half 
dozen  British  subjects  have  bought  extensive 
tracts  of  land  along  a river  front,  outside  either 
concession,  and  have  erected  wharves,  ware- 
houses, and  other  buildings  upon  this  land.  They 
are  doing  a large  and  profitable  business.  Such 
being  the  condition  of  affairs,  the  German  author- 
ities demand  a concession  at  this  port,  and  they 
select  for  this  purpose  an  area  which  includes  all 
the  property  of  these  British  merchants.  Evil- 
minded  persons  have  been  known  to  say  that  they 
are  the  more  likely  to  select  ground  because  it 
encloses  such  foreign-owned  property.  After 


312  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


the  usual  delays,  references,  and  objections,  the 
German  demand  is  granted,  the  ground  marked 
out,  boundary  stones  set,  and  the  consul  hoists 
his  flag  over  the  new  concession. 

One  of  the  first  steps  taken  by  the  governor  of 
this  miniature  state  is  to  order  the  British  mer- 
chants mentioned  above  to  remove  their  property 
from  the  new  German  area.  If  they  refuse,  they 
are  ejected  by  force.  If  they  demand  compensa- 
tion, it  is  denied  them  upon  the  ground  that  their 
title  is  invalid  since  the  treaty  does  not  authorize 
foreign  ownership  of  land  outside  of  the  conces- 
sion limits.  The  British  owners  are  eventually 
ousted  from  their  property  and  business,  which 
is  practically  confiscated  to  the  benefit  of  the  Ger- 
man Government.  Then  comes  the  final  act  in 
this  travesty  upon  justice  and  decency.  The 
Briton  appeals  to  his  government,  submits  elab- 
orate schedules  of  property  lost,  value  of  busi- 
ness, estimated  present  and  prospective  profits, 
interest  upon  investment,  value  of  good  will,  and 
every  other  imaginable,  and  sometimes  unim- 
aginable, demand,  and  payment  in  full  is  exacted 
from  the  Chinese  authorities. 

Lord  Charles  Beresford,  referring  to  this 
scheme  of  robbery  by  diplomatic  methods,  says : 
“ This  is  a cowardly  and  unchivalrous  practice, 
which  has  been  resorted  to  lately,  under  similar 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  313 


circumstances,  by  all  foreign  countries  (Euro- 
pean) with  regard  to  China.  China  being  pros- 
trate, one  European  power,  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet,  demands  concessions  which  China  has 
neither  the  right  to  give  nor  the  power  to  refuse. 
Immediately,  another  European  power,  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet,  compels  China  to  pay  heavy 
compensation  for  acceding  to  demands  which  she 
had  no  means  to  resist.” 

It  is  distressing  to  be  obliged  to  recount  such 
acts  of  trickery  and  extortion  practised  upon  a 
helpless  victim  by  great  powers  which  arrogate 
to  themselves  the  position  of  leaders  in  modern 
Christianity  and  civilization.  The  recital  re- 
minds one  rather  of  the  practices  of  a card- 
sharper  and  his  confederate,  than  of  that  broad- 
minded statesmanship  which  deserves  respect  and 
honor,  and  which  all  men  everywhere  have  the 
right  to  expect  from  governments  which  make 
such  high  pretensions.  One  conclusion  is  inevita- 
ble. If  the  Chinese  are  human  beings;  if  they 
are  influenced  and  led  by  the  same  motives  and 
feelings  as  the  men  of  all  other  races ; if  they  are 
able  to  distinguish  between  those  who  hurt  and 
those  who  help  them ; if  they  know  a friend  when 
they  see  him,  and  an  enemy  when  he  comes  within 
reach  of  their  anger;  if  they  have  any  power  of 
discrimination  in  these  directions,  ,then_  all  such 


314  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


acts  of  trickery  and  violence,  aggression  and  en- 
croachment are  not  only  immoral,  indecent,  and 
unworthy  of  any  so-called  Christian  government, 
but  they  are  the  worst  possible  business  policy. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  be  a censor  of  morals  in 
order  to  condemn  such  acts.  They  may  and  must 
be  denounced  from  the  plain  foundation  of  com- 
mon-sense. They  are  not  only  unbusinesslike, 
they  are  necessarily  destructive  of  all  business  re- 
lations. The  highwayman  is  well  aware  that  he 
must  keep  his  grip  close  upon  the  throat  of  his 
victim  until  his  operations  are  concluded.  Yet 
here  are  to  be  seen  the  Great  Powers  of  the  earth 
squabbling  among  themselves  for  influence  and 
prestige  with  China,  then,  by  turns,  choking  her, 
holding  a revolver  at  her  head  or  a knife  to  her 
heart,  and  lecturing  her  upon  the  inestimable 
benefits  to  be  derived  from  Western  civilization, 
and  all  the  time  wondering  why  China  hates  the 
foreigner  so  bitterly,  and  why  it  is  so  increasingly 
difficult  to  make  any  money  out  of  her.  Of  what 
impossible  stuff  do  they  imagine  the  Chinaman 
to  be  formed ! 

His  tricks  and  evasions,  his  delays  and  hin- 
drances are  partly  Oriental,  and  hence  natural. 
But  they  are  continually  brought  into  use  and  de- 
veloped to  their  utmost  extent,  because  he  believes 
that  he  is  forced  into  relations  with  those  who  are, 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  315 


in  fact,  his  deadly  enemies,  and  are  determined 
upon  the  destruction  of  his  empire.  It  is  as  idle 
to  talk  friendship  to-day  and  use  force  to-morrow 
with  him  as  it  would  be  with  an  Anglo-Saxon. 
He  is  not  a child  to  accept  and  quickly  forget  a 
whipping,  nor  a dog  whose  love  will  increase  the 
more,  the  more  he  is  beaten. 

With  unimportant  differences,  with  greater 
habit  and  capacity  for  the  concealment  of  his 
preferences  and  dislikes,  the  Chinaman  is  exactly 
the  same  sort  of  man  as  the  American  or  English- 
man would  be  under  like  circumstances  and  con- 
ditions. And  the  hundreds  of  millions  of  the 
race  hate  and  fear  all  “ men  from  the  West  ” ex- 
actly as,  and  for  the  same  reasons  that,  would 
cause  us  to  hate  the  Chinese  were  the  situation 
reversed.  Only  they  bear  their  real  and  fancied 
wrongs  with  greater  patience  and  quietness  than 
we  should.  Many  of  their  wrongs  are,  in  fact, 
imaginary.  But  they  are  none  the  less  real  to 
them. 

Before  any  person  passes  sweeping  condemna- 
tion upon  the  Chinese,  he  ought,  if  he  chooses  to 
be  fair  and  just,  to  apply  that  wise  advice:  “ Put 
yourself  in  his  place.” 


CHAPTER  XI. 


THE  PARTITION  OF  CHINA. 

Not  to  go  back  into  the  times  of  Yao  and  Shun 
and  misty  tradition,  China  has  been  governed  by 
two  foreign  dynasties,  during  the  four  thousand 
years  of  its  more  accurate  history.  There  have 
been  twenty-six  different  reigning  families,  of 
which  twenty-four  were  Chinese.  Of  the  two 
exceptions,  the  first  was  Mongol,  and  it  governed 
the  empire  for  a period  of  eighty-eight  years, 
from  a.d.  1280  to  a.d.  1368.  And  the  second 
was  the  present  Manchu  dynasty,  which  has  been 
in  power  since  a.d.  1643. 

Those  two  Mongol  warriors,  famous  in  history, 
Genghis  Khan,  and  his  grandson  Kublai  Khan, 
who  swept  over  Asia,  devastated  parts  of  Europe, 
and  frightened  all  Christendom — these  two  men 
were  the  founders  of  the  Mongol  dynasty  in 
China.  Some  of  the  northern  tier  of  provinces 
had  previously  been  under  Tartar  domination 
for  a considerable  period  of  time,  but  no  large 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  317 


portion  of  the  empire  had  been  subjected  to  non- 
Chinese  rule. 

The  first  of  these  men  was  pre-eminently  a 
fighter,  and  did  little  to  consolidate  his  authority 
over  any  region  conquered  by  his  arms.  But 
some  of  his  successors  were  humane  and  wise 
rulers.  Of  one  of  them,  a Chinese  contemporary 
writer  says : “ He  was  distinguished  by  a rare 
disinterestedness.  . . . Wise  and  calculating  in 
his  plans,  he  did  little  of  which  he  had  any  reason 
to  repent.”  Kublai  Khan  caused  the  famous 
Grand  Canal,  and  other  works  of  great  public 
utility,  to  be  constructed,  and  won  the  good  opin- 
ion of  his  Chinese  subjects  by  the  moderation  and 
justice  of  his  rule,  and,  especially,  by  his  refusal 
to  disturb  existing  arrangements  for  the  conduct 
of  public  affairs.  And  it  is  worthy  of  notice,  as 
bearing  upon  the  subject  of  this  chapter,  that  just 
so  soon  as  the  Mongol  rulers  abandoned  the  an- 
cient Chinese  civil  service  rules,  and  appointed 
men  to  office  without  regard  to  their  literary 
qualifications,  or  filled  positions  with  Mongol 
favorites,  the  doom  of  their  rule  was  sounded. 
The  natives  of  the  empire  cared  comparatively 
little  by  whom  the  empty  titular  honor  of  sov- 
ereign was  held.  But  they  were  determined  that 
the  actual  government  of  China  should  remain 
in  the  hands  of  Chinese. 


3 1 8 REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


The  Manchu  dynasty  has  furnished  several 
wise,  energetic,  and  just  monarchs.  During  their 
reigns,  there  was  much  vigor  in  the  administra- 
tion of  affairs,  and  but  little  favoritism  and  in- 
trigue. A far  better  authority  than  the  writer 
of  these  pages,  speaking  fifty  years  ago,  said : 
“ The  Manchu  sway  has  well  developed  the  in- 
dustry and  resources  of  the  country,  of  which  the 
population,  loyalty,  and  content  of  the  people  are 
the  best  evidences.”  Beyond  a question,  the 
secret  of  the  success  and  long-continued  rule  of 
the  present  Imperial  Family  is  to  be  found  in 
their  scrupulous  adherence  to  the  Chinese  system 
and  practice  of  government.  The  Manchus  have 
succeeded,  and  remained  in  nominal  author- 
ity, simply  because  they  have  allowed  the  Chinese 
to  rule  themselves. 

Much  complaint  is  made  of  a species  of  nar- 
cotism, exhibited  in  the  more  recent  rulers  of  this 
dynasty,  and  characterized  by  lack  of  energy  and 
lax  administration,  listlessness,  indifference,  and 
general  failure  of  virility.  None  complain  more 
loudly  than  the  Power  which  volunteered,  in- 
deed forced  its  aid,  in  bringing  about  this  con- 
dition of  impoverishment,  debauchery,  and  con- 
sequent decay  of  vitality.  And  what  greater  ef- 
ficiency of  control  could  be  expected,  when  a large 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  319 


percentage,  rising  above  fifty,  of  the  immediate 
male  members  of  the  Imperial  blood,  are  victims 
of  the  opium  habit?  What  better  could  be  ex- 
pected, when  the  official  and  educated  classes  are 
honeycombed  with  the  same  vice,  a vice  synony- 
mous with  incompetency  and  dishonesty? 

The  best  Chinese  authorities  place  the  origin 
of  the  race  in  the  great  valley  of  the  Yangtze 
River,  and  near  the  present  centre  of  the 
“ Eighteen  Provinces.”  They  are  not  the  aborig- 
inal inhabitants  of  that  portion  of  Asia,  at  least 
so  far  as  certain  areas  within  the  empire  are  con- 
cerned. Remnants  of  an  earlier  race  or  tribe 
still  exist,  and  bear  the  same  relation  to  the  Chi- 
nese that  the  North  American  Indian  sustains  to 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States.  The  Chinese 
probably  originated  in  the  region  named,  and, 
growing  rapidly  in  numbers,  spread  throughout 
the  country  which  they  now  occupy,  crowding 
out,  or  submerging,  weaker  specimens  of  the 
human  stock.  There  is  not  a syllable  to  be  found, 
either  in  their  history  or  earliest  traditions,  which 
indicates  that  they  were,  originally,  migrants 
from  any  other  part  of  the  earth.  Nor  do  the 
books  of  record  of  other  branches  of  the  family  of 
man  furnish  a suggestion  that  the  Chinese  race 
had  its  birthplace  elsewhere.  In  the  days  when 


320  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


races  were  born,  they  came  into  existence  where 
they  now  are,  and  there  they  have  remained,  con- 
tinuously, since. 

There  is  no  foundation  for  a theory  that  the 
Chinese  is  a compound,  or  mixed  race,  the  prod- 
uct obtained  by  mingling  several  different  strains 
of  blood.  Neither  their  history  nor  tradition  in- 
dicates anything  of  the  sort.  If  such  a process 
has  taken  place,  of  which  the  Chinaman  is  the 
result,  it  must  have  occurred  in  the  very  earliest 
ages  of  humanity.  For,  not  only  do  their  records 
fail  to  show  any  evidence  of  it,  but  their  history 
and  customs,  the  latter  unchanged  for  nearly 
forty  centuries,  furnish  proof  that  active  precau- 
tions were  taken  against  it. 

The  modern  practice  of  the  Chinese  in  this  re- 
gard is  striking,  and  may  be  relied  upon  as  being 
in  line  with  the  traditional  and  uniform  policy  of 
the  race.  There  are  no  indications  of  intermar- 
riage between  the  Mongols  and  the  natives  dur- 
ing the  years  when  the  former  governed  China. 
The  Manchus  have  ruled  the  empire  for  rather 
more  than  three  hundred  and  fifty  years.  A 
large  Manchu  population  is  found  in  and  near 
Peking,  and  in  other  portions  of  the  land.  These 
have  lost  their  original  home,  language,  customs, 
and  habits,  having,  in  all  these  regards,  been  ab- 
sorbed by  the  Chinese,  the  stronger,  more  highly 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  321 


civilized  race.  Yet  such  a relation  between  the 
two  as  intermarriage,  or  interconnection,  is  quite 
unknown.  Each  marries  within  his  own  race, 
and  there  are  no  hybrid  children. 

The  millions  of  Mohammedans  found  through- 
out Northern  and  Western  China  are  the  de- 
scendants of  ancestors  who  removed  thither  from 
Persia  and  Turkestan  centuries  ago.  They  have 
become,  to  all  appearance,  Chinese  in  every  re- 
gard, excepting  their  religion.  They  associate 
with  the  natives,  live  among  them,  have  extensive 
business  relations  with  them,  but  they  never  inter- 
marry. The  little  village  of  Jews  in  the  heart  of 
the  empire,  where  they  have  been  since  the  dis- 
persion of  the  Tribes,  is  losing  in  numbers  by 
reason  of  too  close  intermarriage.  But  no  rela- 
tions of  that  nature  have,  even  a single  instance, 
been  established  between  them  and  the  surround- 
ing Chinese. 

It  may  appear  to  be  a startling  statement,  but  it 
is  quite  possible  that,  in  all  history,  there  has  not 
been  so  great  a total  adulteration  of  Chinese 
blood  as  is  now  to  be  seen  in  those  unfortunate 
illegitimate  Eurasians — children  of  American  or 
European  fathers  and  native  mothers — who  can 
be  counted  by  the  thousands  in  the  ports  of  China 
where  foreigners  reside.  Be  this  as  it  may,  it  is 
certain  that  no  admixture  of  alien  blood,  suffi- 


322  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


cient  to  produce  any  perceptible  effect  upon  the 
race,  has  ever  occurred.  The  Chinese  is  a pure, 
original  type  of  human  kind.  As  such  they  are 
unique  and  unexampled,  both  as  regards  the  long 
stretch  of  their  history  and  the  greatness  of  their 
numbers.  No  more  interesting  subject  can  be 
found  for  the  student  of  ethnology. 

Latterly  much  has  been  written  of  the  Chinese 
as  an  accidental  combination  of  alien  and  diverse 
tribes,  clans,  and  races,  without  a common  iden- 
tity, or  any  uniformity  of  traits  and  character- 
istics. Nothing  could  be  further  from  the  truth. 
And  all  such  statements  are  little  better  than  the 
creation  of  imaginary  facts,  with  which  to  con- 
firm some  preconceived  theory. 

The  Chinese  are  a marked  race,  absolute  in 
their  uniformity  and  identity  of  character.  No 
matter  how  disguised  by  dress,  language,  or  as- 
sociation, individual  specimens  can  be  readily 
picked  out,  even  by  the  inexpert,  no  matter  to 
what  corner  of  the  earth  they  may  have  roamed. 
And,  excepting,  possibly,  by  slight  and  superficial 
peculiarities,  an  expert  in  knowledge  of  the  race 
will  be  unable  to  determine  from  what  portion  of 
the  empire  any  Chinaman  may  have  come.  There 
are  no  tribal  marks,  because  there  are  no  tribes. 
And  there  are  no  clans,  within  the  broad  meaning 
commonly  given  to  that  word.  As  explained 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  323 


elsewhere,  small  conbinations  of  men,  either  bear- 
ing the  same  name,  or  residents  of  the  same  lo- 
cality, are  frequently  formed,  temporarily,  for  the 
accomplishment  of  some  specified  purpose.  That 
purpose  accomplished  or  defeated,  the  combina- 
tion ends,  and  the  so-called  “ clan  ” exists  no 
longer. 

Much  is  made  by  those  who  hope  or  fear  to 
see,  in  this  imaginary  lack  of  racial  unity,  a ready 
excuse  for  the  disintegration  of  the  empire — 
much  is  made  by  such  of  the  frequently  recur- 
ring feuds  and  quarrels  between  inhabitants  of 
neighboring  villages  or  districts,  over  the  posses- 
sion of  a well,  a bit  of  land,  or  some  other  trivial 
matter.  But  these  disputes  serve  to  prove  the 
identity,  not  the  diversity,  of  those  concerned  in 
them.  And  these  Chinese  neighborhood  squab- 
bles must  not  be  taken  too  seriously.  They  are 
the  natural  outgrowth  of  great  poverty,  and  of 
pettiness  and  irascibility  of  temper.  Every 
breeze  is  not  a cyclone.  And  only  a morbidly 
nervous  person  can  mistake  the  results  of  the  sud- 
den down-sitting  of  a stout  man  for  an  earth- 
quake. These  quarrels  shake  a neighborhood 
or  district  at  times,  but  they  prove  nothing,  indi- 
cate nothing,  beyond  local  bad  temper.  They  do 
not  mark  out  lines  of  cleavage  of  the  empire  any 
more  than  a brilliant  writer  upon  things  Chinese 


324  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


defines  a racial  peculiarity,  when  he  mentions  the 
capacity  of  the  natives  “ to  go  to  sleep  across 
three  wheelbarrows,  with  heads  downward  like 
a spider,  their  mouths  wide  open,  and  a fly  in- 
side.” 

Much  undue  importance  is  also  given  to  local 
differences  of  dialect  among  the  Chinese.  These 
do  not  affect  the  construction,  or  idiom,  of  the 
language  in  any  degree,  but  merely  the  pronun- 
ciation. Throughout  four-fifths  of  the  empire, 
these  provincialisms  of  speech  or  sound,  as  they 
may  be  called,  are  not  greater  than  those  to  be 
found  in  every  European  country.  They  are  less 
serious  than  those  met  with  in  England,  and  are 
in  no  sense  a hindrance  to  communication. 

The  excepted  one-fifth  consists  of  a strip  of 
seaboard  territory  which  extends  from  a point  a 
little  to  the  north  of  Shanghai,  down  to  the  south- 
ern boundary  line.  Measured  back  from  the 
coast,  it  varies  in  depth  from  fifty  to  one  hundred 
and  fifty  miles.  Within  this  area,  dialectic  dif- 
ferences are  great,  of  frequent  occurrence,  and  as 
clean  cut  in  their  outline  as  the  sharpest  line  of 
distinction  between  a cloud  and  the  clear  sky. 
Pronunciations  do  not  shade  imperceptibly  from 
one  into  another,  but  a radical  change  occurs  at 
once.  Even  here,  the  local  differences  of  speech 
are  not  enormously  greater  than  those  which  may 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  325 


be  found  elsewhere.  It  is  practically  impossible 
for  many  of  the  less  educated  Yorkshiremen  to 
carry  on  an  intelligent  conversation  with  a cock- 
ney, or  with  a resident  of  the  south  of  England, 
excepting  by  means  of  an  interpreter.  Yet  no 
one  has  suggested  that  a process  of  disintegra- 
tion was  going  on  there,  or  that  Yorkshire  might 
easily  drop  away  from  the  remainder  of  the 
island. 

The  inhabitants  of  this  region  of  strongly 
marked  dialects  are  unequivocally  and  most  in- 
tensely Chinese  in  every  characteristic.  And 
there  are  no  peculiarities  of  speech  there  or  else- 
where in  China  but  would  disappear  within  two 
or  three  generations,  with  cheap  and  easy  means 
of  communication  with  those  beyond  them.  One 
simply  sees  in  China  what  he  finds  everywhere 
else.  In  regions  remote,  or  shut  out  from  main 
lines  of  travel,  or  inhabited  by  those  who  have  not, 
for  any  reason,  come  into  contact  and  acquaint- 
ance with  those  of  other  parts,  localisms  of  every 
sort,  of  language,  of  dress,  of  customs  and  ways, 
are  inevitable.  But  these  are  not  proofs  of  any 
radical  differences  or  peculiarities.  They  indi- 
cate nothing  more  than  the  need  of  that  valuable 
friction  which  comes  with  varied  and  frequent 
intercourse.  And  they  easily  disappear  under 
changed  conditions. 


326  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


The  geography  of  China  furnishes  no  natural 
lines  of  demarcation  between  different  portions 
of  the  empire.  Like  the  United  States,  it  is 
symmetrically  shaped,  compact,  well  rounded, 
and  intended  to  be  the  home  of  one  nation  for  all 
time.  The  centres  of  its  wealth,  industries,  and 
population  are  substantially  identical  with  each 
other,  and  with  the  centre  of  its  area.  One  great 
river,  fed  from  the  snows  of  the  Himalaya  Moun- 
tains, pours  a wonderful  flood  through  the  heart 
of  the  empire,  furnishing  more  than  two  thou- 
sand miles  of  waterway,  and,  with  its  tributaries, 
serves  as  the  great  artery  of  traffic  and  communi- 
cation. By  means  of  it,  huge  ocean-going  steam- 
ships may  load  their  cargoes  eight  hundred  miles 
inland,  and  discharge  them  at  the  docks  in  New 
York  or  London. 

Little  territory  of  value  lies  adjacent  to  China, 
either  to  tempt  her  ambition  or  to  serve  as  a base 
of  attack  by  others  upon  her.  Upon  the  west 
are  limitless  deserts  of  sand;  upon  the  north  are 
the  scarcely  less  inhospitable  steppes  of  Mongolia. 
To  the  southwest,  the  impassable  Himalayas  at 
once  shut  her  in  and  protect  her  against  all  ap- 
proach, while  to  the  south  the  horrible  jungles 
and  fever-loaded  swamps  of  Burmah  and  Siam 
furnish  a stronger  barrier  and  defence  than  any 
number  of  armed  men.  China  can  only  be  ap- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  327 


proached  by  way  of  the  sea.  And  one-half  the 
circumference  of  the  earth  has,  until  recently, 
stretched  between  the  empire  and  any  recognized 
military  power. 

The  hill  and  mountain  ranges,  by  which  the 
surface  of  the  country  is  much  broken,  serve  less 
as  walls  of  division  than  as  guides,  or  chutes,  by 
means  of  which  the  great  bulk  of  commerce  and 
intercourse  is  directed  into  the  bosom  of  the  em- 
pire, the  valley  of  the  Yangtze  River.  Placed  as 
they  are,  they  are  ribs  of  strength.  They  rein- 
force and  stiffen  the  natural  cohesion  of  the  race 
and  nation. 

It  must  not  be  supposed,  from  what  has  been 
said,  that  little  or  no  intercommunication  takes 
place  between  the  different,  and  even  most  remote, 
parts  of  the  empire.  Upon  the  contrary,  all 
China  is  one  great  hive  of  commerce.  Every 
part  is  reached  from  every  other  part.  It  is  no 
more  true  in  France  that  all  commodities  find 
their  way  to  Paris  than  in  China  that  the  prod- 
ucts of  every  district  are  carried  to  Peking.  The 
whole  business  is  done  under  the  most  antiquated, 
cumbersome,  and  expensive  methods,  and  with  an 
enormous  waste  of  time.  But  it  is  done.  The 
inns,  everywhere,  are  full  of  business  travellers. 
The  rivers  and  canals  are  crowded  with  cargo- 
carrying craft  of  every  description,  and  bound  in 


328  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


every  direction.  The  roads  and  mountain-passes 
are  clamorous  with  the  shouts  and  calls  of  drivers 
of  camels,  drivers  of  horses,  mules  and  donkeys, 
and  with  porters  of  every  age  and  both  sexes,  all 
loaded  to  the  extreme  limit  of  endurance  with 
every  namable  class  or  description  of  goods, 
bound  for  a market.  There  are  native  banks  of 
exchange  in  every  city  of  size,  by  means  of  which 
money  may  be  safely  remitted  to  any  part  of 
China,  however  remote.  In  addition  to  the 
government  service  of  couriers,  there  are  postal 
and  express  companies  which  transmit  letters  and 
parcels  everywhere.  As  time  is  never  an  object 
of  importance  with  the  Chinese,  only  a lack  of 
promptness  will  be  guaranteed,  but  of  safety 
there  is  good  assurance.  And  the  responsibility 
of  such  companies  is  more  invariably  enforced 
than  in  some  Western  lands. 

As  the  final  government  examinations  are  held 
at  Peking,  and  as  the  civil  service  rules  forbid  the 
appointment  of  any  official  to  duty  in  his  native 
province,  there  is  a large  and  constant  amount  of, 
what  may  be  called,  official  travel.  And  there  is 
a very  considerable  stirring  up  and  kneading  of 
communities  continually  going  on  everywhere 
within  the  empire,  as  an  effect  of  these  two  regu- 
lations. Northern  men  fill  the  southern  offices, 
and  southern  men  the  northern.  Eastern  men 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  329 


carry  their  ideas  into  Western  posts  of  duty,  and 
Western  men  make  use  of  theirs  in  the  East.  And 
students,  prospective  prime  ministers,  are  found 
upon  all  the  highways,  at  nearly  all  times,  carry- 
ing their  local  views  and  theories  to  the  capital, 
and  taking  back  the  latest  and  most  approved 
metropolitan  fashion  of  dress,  thought,  or  speech, 
to  their  native  villages.  While  these  processes 
may  not  result  in  much  transfusion  of  modern 
knowledge,  or  Western  forms  of  civilization,  into 
the  native  body,  they  can  hardly  fail  to  make  it 
uniformly  and  evenly  Chinese. 

Is  not  the  Chinaman  exactly  the  type  of  hu- 
manity which  such  conditions  as  those  specified 
might  be  expected  to  produce  ? An  original  race, 
unmodified  and  unstrengthened  during  thousands 
of  years,  by  the  introduction  of  any  other  strains 
of  blood,  segregated  from  all  of  the  growing  por- 
tion of  humanity  during  the  later  centuries,  and 
left  to  act  and  react  upon  itself!  Given  such  a 
history,  and  the  results  might  safely  be  antici- 
pated. The  native  vigor  and  intellectuality  of 
the  race — shown  in  a thousand  facts  in  their  his- 
tory— are  not  essentially  impaired,  but  have  been 
retained,  with  the  purity  of  their  blood.  But 
with  these  are  found,  what  might  be  looked  for, 
great  intensity  and  fixedness  of  every  peculiar 
trait  and  characteristic;  great  conceit  and  pride 


330  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


of  race ; a lack  of  perspective  and  of  true  discrimi- 
nation, showing  itself  in  an  enormous  range  of 
unimportant  details,  in  the  minor  affairs  of  life, 
filling  up  the  time  and  wasting  the  energies;  in- 
different and  contemptuous  regard  for  the  rest  of 
humanity;  and  entire  satisfaction  with  their  own 
ideas,  forms,  and  theories. 

The  intense  personality  and  fixedness  of  type 
are  the  natural  results  of  long-continued  inbreed- 
ing. The  Chinese  are  unlike  any  other  race,  be- 
cause the  blood  of  no  other  flows  in  their  veins. 
They  are  lacking  in  the  faculty  of  true  discrim- 
ination, because  they  have  long  been  deprived  of 
all  opportunity  to  compare  and  contrast  them- 
selves with  equals  or  superiors.  They  are  un- 
ready to  learn,  because  for  centuries  they  have 
been  in  contact  with  none  who  could  teach  them. 
They  possess  all  the  characteristics  of  a well-bred, 
but  too  closely  bred,  race.  With  great  capacities, 
they  have  been  shut  in  upon  themselves.  Hence, 
such  sharp  contrasts  as  are  found  among  the  Chi- 
nese. Coupled,  in  the  same  person,  with  fine 
mental  ability,  is  the  intense  vanity  of  utter  igno- 
rance. The  man  has  been  made  blind  by  long- 
continued  gazing  upon  himself.  He  is  a bundle 
of  over-developed,  wrongly  developed,  and  un- 
developed faculties.  But  he  is  neither  weak  nor 
decadent. 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  331 


Such  as  he  is,  he  is  the  problem  of  the  present 
age.  This  Oriental  Rip  Van  Winkle,  at  once  old 
and  young,  has  been  roused  from  his  sleep, 
dragged,  unconsenting,  from  his  seclusion,  and 
made  to  face  a strange,  new  world.  He  stands 
confronting  it,  an  immense,  compact  race,  a race 
so  completely  unified,  that  any  individual  of  it 
may  be  taken  as  a fair  specimen  of  four  hundred 
millions.  The  experiences  of  his  few  waking 
days — for  sixty  years  are  but  a few  days  in  the 
age  of  a race — have  been  decidedly  unpleasant, 
and,  as  reckoned  by  him,  promise  little  for  the 
future.  Hence  he  stands,  drawn  within  himself, 
unyielding  and  unfriendly. 

And  the  world  has  not  decided  what  to  do 
with  him.  Leaving  other  propositions  out  of 
sight,  there  are  those  who  advise  that  China  be 
cut  up,  dismembered,  and  divided  among  certain 
European  Powers,  the  authors  of  the  suggestion 
to  receive,  of  course,  a liberal  share  in  the  divi- 
sion. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  comment,  in  any 
serious  way,  upon  the  arguments  advanced  in 
favor  of  such  a line  of  action.  However  plausi- 
ble they  may  appear  at  first  glance,  they  are  false 
and  unsound,  containing  not  enough  of  the  sub- 
stance of  reason  to  disguise,  or  conceal,  the  real 
motive  which  underlies  them  all.  Put  strongly, 


332  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


that  motive  is  simply  plunder.  Stated  in  the 
most  charitable  language  obtainable,  it  is  still  al- 
together selfish.  “ What  is  best  for  China  ” is 
not  the  question,  practically  at  issue,  with  any  of 
the  advocates  of  partition,  but  rather  “ What 
will  be  the  best  for  us  in  China.”  The  most 
Pharisaical  of  all  the  European  governments  is 
anxious  to  see  a well-organized,  but  small,  army 
maintained  by  the  Chinese  Government.  Why? 
In  order  that  it  may  serve  as  an  efficient  police 
force  for  the  protection  of  British  merchants  and 
British  trade.  The  same  government  is,  pro- 
fessedly, hostile  to  the  dismemberment  theory, 
just  at  present.  Why?  Because  it  is  well  aware 
that  the  volume  of  its  trade,  in  an  undivided 
China,  is  greater  than  it  would  be  in  China  par- 
titioned, even  including  the  commerce  which  it 
could  control  in  the  large  area  which  it  would  ap- 
propriate in  the  event  of  partition.  And,  while 
professedly  opposed  to  the  policy  of  division,  it 
has  taken  good  care  to  outline  the  richest  part  of 
the  empire,  and  to  warn  other  Powers  away  from 
it,  as  the  exclusive  property  of  Great  Britain,  in 
case  such  a policy  prevails. 

Thus  it  is,  that  the  entire  question  of  the  con- 
tinued existence  of  the  Chinese  nation  is  to  be 
decided,  not  in  accordance  with  what  will  be  best 
for  it,  but  what  will  best  satisfy  the  ambition, 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  333 


greed  of  domination,  and  money  lust  of  Great 
Britain,  Russia,  France,  and  Germany.  The  four 
great  vultures  roost  there  now,  three  of  them 
upon  the  northeast  coast,  watching  the  victim  and 
each  other,  by  turns,  while  the  fourth  is  ready  and 
hungry  for  its  prey,  upon  the  southern  frontier. 
The  truth  is,  that  China  is  the  greatest  find  in  all 
history,  for  the  hunters  after  plunder.  And 
while  the  world  has  advanced  in  many  directions, 
in  the  point  of  international  morality  and  chival- 
rous regard  for  the  rights  of  the  weak,  it  still  re- 
mains disgracefully  near  where  it  stood  in  the 
days  of  the  German  barons,  the  Norse  pirates, 
and  the  Jew-teeth-extracting  robber  Knights  of 
England. 

It  is  not  intended  to  ignore  or  make  light  of 
the  many  just  and  serious  complaints  against  the 
Chinese  administration  of  affairs.  The  occa- 
sions which  give  rise  to  them  are  of  constant  re- 
currence, and  the  point  has  been  reached  where 
they  cannot  longer  be  endured.  No  nation  may, 
wisely,  be  allowed  to  play  fast  and  loose  with  its 
most  solemn  obligations,  or  to  trifle  with  the  lives 
and  property  of  aliens  who  are  within  its  terri- 
tory under  pledges  of  protection.  It  makes  little 
practical  difference  whether  the  government,  in 
its  own  personality,  is  the  wrongdoer,  or  whether, 
by  laxity  and  failure  of  justice,  it  permits  wrong- 


334  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


doing.  The  responsibility  is  the  same.  And 
China  must  be  held  to  a strict  account  for  every 
wrong  done  or  permitted,  every  promise  broken. 
But  let  it  be  kept  in  mind  that  this  is  due  to  China, 
not  less  than  from  her. 

Admitting,  however,  all  that  is  claimed  in  re- 
gard to  acute  conditions  of  disorder  in  the 
empire;  the  inefficiency  and  corruption  of  of- 
ficials; the  insecurity  of  life  and  property;  and 
the  apparent  impossibility  of  securing  any  valua- 
ble reforms  under  existing  conditions,  it  still 
remains  true  that  the  dismemberment  of  China 
is  not  only  unjustifiable,  in  view  of  all  the  facts, 
but  is,  not  more  for  the  Chinese  than  for  the  for- 
eign Powers  concerned,  an  unwise  and  unsafe 
remedy.  Simpler,  more  natural,  and  far  less 
drastic  measures  lie  close  at  hand  and  plainly  in 
sight.  There  can  be  no  doubt  of  their  full  effi- 
cacy, if  once  fairly  tried. 

Suppose,  for  example,  that  the  six  great  Pow- 
ers most  in  evidence  in  Chinese  affairs — the  four 
already  named,  with  the  addition  of  the  United 
States  and  Japan — suppose  that  these  Powers 
agree  upon  a just,  generous,  and  firm  policy  or 
line  of  action  toward  China,  and  make  an  honest 
trial  of  it  for  a term  of  years.  They  will  then 
be  in  position  to  determine  whether  moderation 
and  fair  treatment  are  appreciated  by,  or  wasted 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  335 


upon,  the  Chinese.  No  such  policy  has  been 
tested  in  the  past.  There  have  been  sporadic 
cases  of  joint  action.  But  these  have  been  chiefly 
remarkable  by  a nominal  concert  and  a practical 
false  play.  And  it  is  a fact  not  sufficiently  well 
known,  and  to  which  sufficient  weight  is  not 
given,  that,  since  i860,  no  demand,  unitedly  made 
and  moderately  pressed  by  the  great  Powers 
named,  has  failed  of  success. 

For  forty  years  the  Chinese  Government  has 
been  pulled  this  way  and  crowded  that.  It  has 
been  bullied,  threatened,  fawned  upon,  and  ca- 
joled by  turns.  Privileges  and  concessions  de- 
manded by  one  European  Power  have  been  openly 
or  secretly  opposed  by  another.  If  eventually 
granted,  under  threat  or  other  pressure,  then  an 
equivalent,  or  compensation  of  some  sort,  must 
be  provided  for  others.  To  yield  to  one  has  re- 
sulted in  securing  the  enmity  of  his  rival.  Secret, 
unasked,  and  questionable  advice  has  been  be- 
stowed upon  the  heads  of  the  ministers  of  the 
Foreign  Office  until  they  were  dazed  and  stupe- 
fied. Is  it  to  be  wondered  at  if,  in  such  a pres- 
sure of  conflicting  interests  and  rival  demands, 
in  such  an  unseemly  pushing  and  crowding  from 
and  toward  every  direction,  the  Chinese  authori- 
ties, dreading  to  do  this,  and  afraid  to  do  that, 
not  knowing  what  to  do*  should  end  in  doing 


336  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


nothing?  Is  it  strange  if,  in  their  shrewdness 
and  timidity,  they  have  sought  to  play  off  one 
Power  against  another,  to  allow  these  rival  forces 
to  counterbalance  themselves  ? Where  and  when 
in  all  this  ruck  and  scramble,  especially  of  the  last 
twenty  years,  has  China  had  either  fair  play  or  a 
sufficient  opportunity  to  justify  herself  before  the 
world  ? 

Ample  evidence  has  already  been  given  in  these 
pages  to  prove  that,  however  unfavorable  the 
description,  given  in  the  preceding  paragraph,  of 
European  policy  in  China  may  appear,  it  is  more 
than  sustained  by  the  facts.  Two  or  three 
quotations,  taken  exclusively  from  British  au- 
thorities, may  fitly  be  added  here  as  cumulative 
testimony. 

Lord  Charles  Beresford,  in  “ The  Break  Up  of 
China,”  reports  the  Chinese  officials  at  Tientsin 
as  follows : “ They  said  that  Russia  insisted  on 
China  giving  concessions  which  she  was  helpless 
to  refuse,  and  that  Great  Britain  immediately 
demanded  why  such  concessions  were  given,  and 
either  made  China  pay  heavily  or  give  an  equiva- 
lent, which  China  was  equally  helpless  to  refuse.” 
As  an  unintentional  illustration  of  this  complaint, 
he  says,  speaking  of  certain  events  at  Chefoo : 
“ The  Chinese  were  induced  to  sell  the  foreshore 
(which  belonged  to  them)  to  a Russian  Com- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  337 


pany.  Instead  of  arguing  out  the  point  in  a 
friendly  manner  with  the  Russian  Government, 
the  British  Government  insisted  on  the  Chinese 
paying  30,000  taels  (over  $20,000)  for  granting 
a concession,  which,  owing  to  their  weakness, 
they  were  powerless  to  refuse.”  That  is  to  say, 
blackmail,  to  the  amount  of  more  than  $20,000, 
was  levied  by  Great  Britain  upon  China,  be- 
cause the  latter  had  disposed  of  a piece  of  its 
own  property  as  it  saw  fit  and  had  the  right 
to  do ! 

In  another  part  of  his  volume,  Lord  Charles 
Beresford  reports  a conversation  which  he  had 
with  the  Chinese  Governor,  and  General,  Yuan 
Shih  Kai,  whom  he  describes  as  “ most  energetic 
and  intelligent,  and  a well-informed  and  well- 
educated  man.”  Lord  Charles  asked  the  Gen- 
eral if  he  could  make  any  suggestion  that 
would  be  for  the  benefit  of  China,  and  to  which 
European  countries  would  assent.  He  says : 
“ The  General  answered  that  no  proposal  that  the 
Chinese  could  make  would  receive  the  consent  of 
the  European  Powers;  that  a Chinese  would 
naturally  make  a proposition  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  empire,  while  European  countries 
showed  by  their  actions  that  they  wished  to  split 
up  the  empire  and  divide  it  among  themselves.” 
It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  this  conversation  took 


338  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


place  nearly  two  years  before  the  Boxer  move- 
ment. 

Mr.  Archibald  R.  Colquhoun,  a distinguished 
British  writer  upon  Asiatic  questions,  in  a work 
entitled  “ Overland  to  China,”  thus  describes  the 
diplomatic  situation  at  Peking  a few  years  ago: 
“ The  old-fashioned,  chronic  questions  of  transit 
and  audience  gave  way  to  fierce  threats  and  de- 
mands for  territory  and  special  concessions.  The 
French  and  Russian  ministers  alternated  their 
daily  visits  to  the  Tsung  li  Yamen,  and  bullied, 
stormed,  and  threatened,  until  the  Chinese  were 
completely  cowed.” 

And  Mr.  Harold  E.  Gorst,  in  his  volume  on 
China,  furnishes  the  following  interesting  state- 
ment of  facts.  It  was  necessary  that  the  Chinese 
Government  should  secure  funds  with  which  to 
pay  the  balance  of  the  Japanese  war  indemnity. 
“ The  British  Government  was  most  anxious  to 
issue  the  loan  on  generous  and  acceptable  terms. 
But  Russia  stepped  in  directly  the  negotiations 
neared  completion,  and  peremptorily  forbade 
China  to  borrow  the  money.  The  Chinese  Min- 
ister in  London  was  instructed  to  explain  (to  the 
British  authorities)  that  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment had  been  warned  by  Russia  that  their  ac- 
ceptance of  a loan,  guaranteed  by  Great  Britain, 
would  entail  an  interruption  in  the  friendly  rela- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  339 


tions  existing  between  the  two  empires.”  This 
was  Russia’s  innings.  But  now  John  Bull  takes 
his  turn  at  the  bat.  Mr.  Gorst  continues : “ In 
compliance  with  instructions  from  Downing 
Street  (the  British  Foreign  Office),  the  unfortu- 
nate Chinese  were  warned  that  if  they  resorted  to 
the  expedient  of  obtaining  a loan  from  European 
financiers,  the  friendly  relations  between  the  two 
countries  would  be  seriously  imperilled,  were 
British  banks  excluded  from  sharing  in  the  trans- 
action. The  upshot  of  these  threats  and  counter 
threats,  by  which  the  unhappy  Tsung  li  Yamen 
was  placed  between  cross-fires,  was  the  Anglo- 
German  loan  of  £16,000,000.” 

It  ought  to  be  added  that  China  needed  this 
money  to  complete  the  payment  of  indemnity, 
and  thus  to  secure  the  evacuation  of  Wei  Hai 
Wei,  which  was  held  as  security,  and  in  the  pos- 
session of  Japanese  troops.  When  the  money, 
borrowed  as  indicated  above,  was  paid  to  Japan, 
and  her  troops  moved  out,  Great  Britain  quietly 
moved  in  and  took-  possession,  which  she  still 
holds.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  exalted  type 
of  statecraft  is  peculiar  and  limited  to  Europe. 
There  have  been  exhibitions  of  it  in  other  Orien- 
tal capitals  than  Peking.  A European  Envoy 
Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  (all 
with  capital  letters)  once  appeared  at  the  Japanese 


340  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


Foreign  Office,  asked  to  see  the  Secretary  of  State 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  and  informed  that  official 
that  he  should  remain  in  his  presence  until  a cer- 
tain firm,  composed  of  his  compatriots,  were 
granted  the  contract  to  supply  a new  government 
building  with  shovels,  tongs,  pokers,  and  fire- 
grates. 

The  truth  is — and  it  ought  to  be  told — that  the 
European  Powers  have  only  themselves  to  thank, 
or  blame,  for  nine-tenths  of  all  the  difficulties 
which  have  arisen  within  the  Chinese  Empire. 
Governmental  policies  which  are  utterly  without 
excuse,  and  scandalous  diplomacy,  are  at  the  root 
of  all  the  troubles.  There  is  no  serious  difficulty 
in  handling  the  Chinese  question,  if  only  it  may 
be  handled  decently.  Anything  which  ought, 
in  the  judgment  of  the  great  Western  Powers,  to 
be  done  by  the  Imperial  authorities  will  be  done, 
if  common  cause  is  made  by  the  former,  and 
the  point  firmly  and  patiently  pressed.  But 
the  meekest  and  most  timid  animal  known  to 
science  will  struggle  and  strike  out  when  it  is  led 
to  believe  that  its  life  is  sought.  The  policies  of 
the  past  in  China  have  brought  the  four  hundred 
millions  of  the  race  into  a desperate,  enraged 
struggle  for  national  existence.  And  the  present 
crisis  is  the  result.  The  scheme  of  dismember- 
ment is,  in  no  sense,  the  outgrowth  of  Chinese 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  341 


official  incompetence,  corruption,  or  troubles  of 
any  sort  between  China  and  the  Western  world. 
But  it  is  the  natural  sequence,  the  final  and  foul 
issue,  of  years  of  strife  and  bickering  between  the 
European  Powers  for  political  and  commercial 
supremacy  within  the  empire.  There  are  no  ar- 
guments to  justify  it,  save  such  as  are  available 
to  the  highwayman  and  pirate. 

It  is,  of  course,  understood  that  great  political 
organizations  and  governments,  as  such,  are  not 
charitable  or  philanthropic  in  their  purposes. 
Their  legitimate  object  is  to  conserve  and  pro- 
mote the  interests  of  the  people  within  their 
charge.  And  it  is  to  be  expected  that  all  ques- 
tions, whether  domestic  or  international,  will  be 
considered  by  them  from  this  natural  standpoint. 
Hence,  a certain  amount  of  what  may  be  called 
decent  selfishness  is  to  be  expected  in  all  their 
lines  of  policy  and  action.  But,  at  the  same  time, 
they  are  bound  to  show  some  regard  for  the  com- 
mon rights  of  humanity,  and  to  respect  the  just 
claims  and  interests  of  others  It  is  good  policy 
to  do  so.  And  the  questions  of  partition,  and  of 
the  general  attitude  of  foreign  powers  toward 
China,  are  not  argued  or  considered  here  upon 
any  elevated  plane  of  morals  or  religion,  but  upon 
the  lower  general  standing  ground  of  common- 
sense  and  sound  public  policy.  Judged  and  de- 


342  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


cided  by  such  rules  and  measures,  the  result  must 
be  strong  condemnation,  both  of  past  European 
policies  in  China  and  of  the  proposed  dismem- 
berment. 

If,  at  the  establishment  of  diplomatic  relations 
with  the  empire  forty  years  ago,  the  great  Powers 
then  interested  had  agreed  in  the  adoption  of  the 
policy  which  has,  in  the  main,  been  consistently 
pursued  by  the  United  States;  if  Great  Britain 
had  consented  to  the  suppression  of  the  iniqui- 
tous opium  traffic;  if  all  Western  governments 
had  given  assurance  to  the  Chinese  authorities,  by 
acts  as  well  as  words,  that  no  unjust  demands  or 
aggressions  would  be  indulged  in;  that  the  in- 
tegrity of  the  nation  was  not,  and  would  not  be, 
threatened;  but  that,  on  the  other  hand,  all 
pledges  and  promises  given  by  China  must  be 
kept  in  good  faith,  and  a sound  commercial  and 
friendly  intercourse  must  be  permitted  and  en- 
couraged— if  such  a line  of  policy  had  been 
adopted  and  followed  out,  conjointly  and  con- 
sistently, by  all  the  great  Powers,  the  results 
would  have  been,  beyond  question,  immeasurably 
better  for  the  entire  world. 

None  who  have  studied  the  Chinese  character 
and  the  history  of  the  past  forty  years  can  fail 
to  recognize  this.  There  would  have  been  no 
occasion  to  fear  the  temper  or  strength  of  a re- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  343 


organized  and  developed  China.  Before  she 
reached  her  new  strength,  she  would  have  real- 
ized that  she  had  no  wrongs  to  avenge.  Now 
she  knows  that  she  has,  and  hence,  with  some,  a 
policy  of  inhumanity  and  aggression  may  best  be 
followed  by  another  of  suppression  and  strangu- 
lation. Under  such  a just  and  reasonable  course 
of  action,  the  empire  would  have  taken  on  a new 
and  modern  dress,  would  have  been  developed 
and  reconstructed  as  rapidly  as  would  have  been 
wise  or  prudent,  in  view  of  the  naturally  conser- 
vative tendencies  of  the  people.  The  anti-foreign 
feeling  would  have  died  of  starvation,  having 
nothing  to  feed  upon.  And  commerce,  that  final 
good  of  modern  Western  life,  would  have  grown 
far  beyond  its  present  limits,  since  it  would  have 
been  unvexed  and  unhampered  by  restrictions  in- 
spired by  hatred  and  fear.  There  would  have 
been  more  profit  in  an  honest,  peaceable  policy. 

True,  much  patience  and  much  pressure  would 
have  been  called  into  exercise  at  times.  But  those 
are  not  expensive  forces,  when  compared  with 
the  equipment,  transportation,  and  massing  of 
armies,  the  destruction  of  cities,  and  the  hideous 
massacre  of  men,  helpless  women,  and  little  chil- 
dren. And  those  forces,  combined  with  firmness 
and  persistence,  would  have  done  the  work.  No 
war  would  have  been  necessary.  No  power  other 


344  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


or  stronger  than  what  may  be  called  persuasive 
coercion  would  have  been  demanded. 

If  there  are  no  arguments  in  favor  of  the  dis- 
memberment of  China  which  are  sound,  there  are 
many  against  it  which  are  unanswerable.  Some 
of  them  have  been  brought  out  in  the  earlier 
pages  of  this  chapter.  These  may  be  summa- 
rized, and  others  added,  here. 

The  empire  is  too  compact,  too  homogeneous 
and  thoroughly  unified  for  successful  dismember- 
ment. It  is  too  large,  and  far  too  indigestible,  to 
be  swallowed  whole.  There  are  fewer  natural 
lines  of  division  among  the  Chinese  race  than  are 
to  be  found  in  the  toughest  granite  rock.  A 
sufficient  amount  of  force  may  shatter  it  into 
irregular,  nondescript  fragments,  but  it  contains 
no  lines  of  cleavage,  and  hence  cannot  be  divided. 
China  may  be  broken,  it  cannot  be  partitioned. 
All  the  imaginary  lines  which  cupidity,  lust  for 
political  domination,  or  other  motive  can  suggest, 
may  be  stretched  through  the  air  and  across  the 
empire,  and  different  names  may  be  given  to  the 
areas  marked  out  by  these  lines  of  political  cob- 
web, with  a spider  in  the  centre  of  each,  but  the 
whole  country  will  continue  a practically  undi- 
vided China.  How  long  these  spiders,  British, 
Russian,  German,  and  French,  may  be  allowed  to 
gorge  and  bloat  themselves  upon  Chinese  flies 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  345 


and  mosquitoes;  how  soon  they  will  fall  upon 
and  devour  each  other ; or  how  soon  they  may  be 
swept  away  by  some  Chinese  patriotic  broom, 
are,  of  course,  questions  of  a different  sort. 

For  the  temporary  and  nominal  partition  of 
China  is  one  thing,  and  the  real  subjugation,  ab- 
sorption, and  assimilation  of  the  various  portions, 
by  the  Powers  placed  in  control  of  them,  is  an- 
other and  very  serious  business.  Thus  far  no 
solvent  has  been  found  for  the  Chinaman.  And, 
unless  Christianity  will  do  the  work,  he  must 
remain  the  refractory  ore  in  the  mine  of  hu- 
manity. He  has  an  unlimited  power  of  absorp- 
tion and  improvement,  but  retains,  through  all 
such  processes,  his  own  type  and  his  own  individ- 
uality. He  adopts  most  Western  ways  and 
ideas  with  a good  degree  of  readiness,  but  he 
shapes  them  to  himself,  rather  than  being  shaped 
by  them.  At  once,  when  accepted  and  put  into 
use  by  him,  they,  so  to  speak,  take  on  his  color, 
and  assume  almost  an  Oriental  nativity.  The 
Chinaman  is  a Chinaman  everywhere  and  under 
all  conditions.  Quiet,  good-natured,  and  docile  as 
he  is,  his  personality  is  so  intense,  and  his  power 
of  silent  and  often  undiscovered  resistance  so 
great,  that  what  he  chooses  to  take  on  becomes  a 
part  of  himself,  while  unwelcome  influences  per- 
manently fail  of  effect. 


346  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


All  of  which,  taken  in  connection  with  his 
strong  pride  of  race,  great  love  of  his  home  and 
country  as  it  is,  and  contemptuous  dislike  of  those 
who  would  become  his  rulers,  make  of  him  a most 
unpromising  subject  for  experiment,  with  a view 
to  his  subjection  to  any  Western  government. 
The  Chinese  mind  is  not  adjusted  to  any  other 
form  of  control  than  that  with  which  it  has  been 
familiar  for  many  centuries,  and  of  which  it  is 
actively  a part.  It  will  not  readily  become  so. 
For  the  parental  idea  lies  at  the  root  of  the 
system,  and  the  Chinaman  is  little  likely  to  accept 
any  red-haired,  large-nosed,  blue-eyed,  grotesque 
monstrosity  of  the  human  being  (as  he  regards 
it)  as  the  parental  head  of  his  race,  and  the  Son 
of  Heaven.  This  may  seem  a purely  sentimental 
idea,  but  it  will  be  found  to  be  both  active  and 
dangerous. 

The  successes  of  Western  Powers  in  governing 
Oriental  races  have  not  been  sufficiently  pro- 
nounced to  justify  an  attempt  upon  the  most 
difficult  and  refractory  of  them  all.  After  one 
hundred  years  of  undisputed  control,  Great 
Britain  still  holds  India  by  means  of  an  expen- 
sive military  cordon.  But  the  people  are  still 
natives  in  every  sense  of  that  word.  And  while 
that  empire  has  been  a veritable  gold  mine  for 
British  merchants;  and  while  an  army  of  a 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  347 


quarter  of  a million  of  men,  aided  by  a vast  array 
of  civilian  officials,  have  kept  the  country  in  sub- 
jection, given  a fair  measure  of  good  govern- 
ment, and  worked  out  numerous  and  valuable 
public  improvements,  it  has  yet  to  be  demon- 
strated that  the  native  Indian  takes  any  active 
interest  in  all  these  things ; that  he  recognizes 
himself  as  really  a part  of  them ; that  he  has  any 
other  feeling  toward  the  Empress,  who  rules  him 
from  London,  than  bitter,  though  concealed,  hate ; 
and  that  the  armed  force  which  holds  him  could, 
after  these  four  centuries,  be  safely  withdrawn, 
and  he  be  left  to  a free  enjoyment  of  those  bless- 
ings of  Western  civilization  which  have  been 
taught  and  forced  into  him  for  so  long  a period 
of  time.  It  also  remains  to  be  demonstrated  that 
the  native  Indian  would  not,  in  the  same  cen- 
turies, have  done  more  and  better  for  himself  if 
allowed,  under  moderate  control  and  guidance, 
freedom  of  action  and  personal  responsibility  for 
the  results.  The  Japanese  have  certainly  done 
enormously  better  for  themselves  under  such  con- 
ditions. And  why,  then,  might  not  the  native  of 
India? 

But  the  Chinaman  is  a very  different  man  from 
the  Hindoo.  And  what  has  been  difficult  in  India 
will  be  impossible  in  China.  He  is  the  product 
of  a far  higher  form  of  civilization,  has  a more 


348  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


independent,  sturdy,  democratic  spirit,  knows 
better  his  own  way,  and  fully  means  to  have  it. 
That  he  has,  in  the  past,  subjugated  every  race 
about  him,  excepting  the  Indian,  from  which  he 
was  shut  off  by  the  Himalayas,  and  the  Japanese 
beyond  sea,  is  sufficient  proof  of  his  superiority 
in  the  various  directions  of  national  strength. 
He  is  not  in  love  with  the  European,  does  not  rec- 
ognize the  superiority  of  the  latter  in  many  re- 
spects, and  there  is  no  reason  whatever  to  expect 
that  he  could  be  easily  brought  to  call  him  master. 
One  thing  he  might  do.  He  might  take  some- 
what readily  to  the  profession  of  arms,  for  he 
possesses  all  the  natural  qualities  of  a good  sol- 
dier. He  might  submit  to  all  the  drill  and  study 
involved  in  the  modern  science  of  war  until  ex- 
pert with  the  sword,  and  then,  when  in  his  judg- 
ment the  time  had  come,  thrust  it  into  his  in- 
structor and  oppressor. 

The  Chinese  are  abundantly  able  to  govern 
themselves  and  to  work  out  their  own  future. 
Why  not  allow  them  to  do  it?  They  possess  all 
of  the  ability  of  the  Japanese,  with  more  stead- 
fastness and  conservatism.  They  adopt  new  ideas 
less  readily,  perhaps,  but,  once  accepted,  those 
ideas  are  more  permanently  employed  and  to  bet- 
ter purpose.  They  might  not  shape  all  things  in 
conformity  with  American  or  European  notions 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  349 


and  manners.  But  who  has  decided  that  the 
notions  and  manners  of  the  latter  are,  invariably 
and  unequivocally,  the  best  possible  for  every 
race  and  every  condition  ? The  entire  history  of 
the  Chinese  race  demonstrates  its  ability, 
strength,  and  manliness.  They  will  do  for  them- 
selves, slowly  perhaps,  but  surely  and  efficiently, 
whatever  needs  to  be  done,  under  kindly  guid- 
ance, far  better  than  under  what  they  believe  to 
be  hostile  control  and  dictation. 

No  possible  good  or  really  desirable  end  can 
be  gained  by  the  dismemberment  of  the  Chinese 
Empire.  Upon  the  contrary,  a gross  wrong 
against  humanity  would  be  perpetrated  in  the  act, 
and  not  only  China,  but  the  whole  civilized  world 
would  suffer  in  consequence  of  so  foul  a deed. 
More  is  at  stake  than  the  Celestial  and  his  empire. 
The  peace  of  Europe  depends  upon  the  integrity 
of  China,  and  a new  map  of  the  latter  will  inevita- 
bly result  in  new  map  of  the  former.  As  has 
been  shown,  the  question  of  partition  is  the  result 
of  the  strife  and  quarrel  over  commercial  and 
political  supremacy  in  the  East,  and  is  not  at  all 
the  outcome  of  troubles  caused  by  China.  The 
only  role  played  by  her  in  the  tragedy  is  that  of 
victim. 

If  the  mere  discussion  of  Chinese  affairs  pro- 
vokes such  jealousy  and  excitement  in  European 


350  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


courts;  if  Russia  cannot  occupy  a square  mile 
of  land,  or  make  a loan  to  China,  or  buy  a few 
feet  of  foreshore  at  Chefoo,  without  an  angry 
growl  from  Great  Britain,  a threat  made  and  an 
equivalent  demanded;  if  Germany  must  threaten 
France,  and  France  must  scowl  over  robberies 
perpetrated  by  the  former  upon  unfortunate 
China,  what  would  be  the  result,  if  these  four 
great  Powers  came  into  close  contact  in  remote 
Asia,  as  the  result  of  the  dismemberment  of  the 
Chinese  Empire  ? The  peace  of  Europe  could  not 
endure  for  a week. 

This  statement  cannot  seem  exaggerated  to 
any  person  who  is  even  moderately  familiar  with 
the  European,  and  especially  the  British,  press. 
Read  any  newspaper,  magazine,  or  book  which 
deals  with  international  questions,  and  the  fact 
becomes  at  once  apparent  that  Russia  is  the  ever- 
present and  ever-active  bugbear  to  the  entire 
British  nation.  Let  the  soldiers  of  the  Czar  take 
possession  of  a village  containing  only  a dozen 
mud-walled  hovels,  in  Mongolia  or  Manchuria, 
and  a unanimous  shriek  goes  up  from  the  British 
press  that  the  Russians  are  advancing  on  India. 
Let  the  Czar  seek  for  an  ice-free  port  upon  the 
Pacific,  and  he  is  advancing  upon  India.  India 
must  be  a veritable  gold  mine  indeed  to  justify 
such  hysterics  from  intelligent  Englishmen, 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  351 


whenever  Russia  makes  an  unimportant  move- 
ment, at  some  point  five  thousand  miles  distant 
from  the  nearest  point  of  the  Indian  frontier. 

What  would  happen  if  these  two  great  Powers, 
mad  with  mutual  jealousy,  hatred,  and  suspicion, 
should  meet  face  to  face  upon  a common  bound- 
ary line  in  the  Yangtze  Valley?  A bitter  war, 
which  would  most  likely  punish  each  of  them, 
and  avenge  China  for  wrongs  suffered  at  their 
hands.  But  China  herself  would  be  the  worst 
sufferer.  The  fairest  part  of  the  empire  would 
be  devastated,  and  millions  of  her  unoffending 
people  would  be  forced  to  suffer  the  horrors  of 
war,  famine,  and  pestilence. 


CHAPTER  XII. 


REFORM  IN  CHINA. 

Strictly  speaking,  the  subject  of  this  chapter 
is  one  with  which  foreign  governments  have 
nothing  to  do.  The  Chinese  political  system  is 
a matter  for  the  consideration  and  adjustment  of 
the  Chinese  people  alone.  The  purity  or  corrup- 
tion of  officials,  the  honest  or  iniquitous  enforce- 
ment of  law,  the  wisdom  or  unwisdom  of  any 
particular  system  of  taxation,  and  all  other  ques- 
tions which  touch  the  complicated  machinery  of 
political  organization  and  administration,  are 
purely  domestic  in  their  character,  and,  right- 
fully, must  be  left  to  the  decision  of  those  directly 
concerned. 

It  is  natural  and  easy,  but  dangerous,  for  out- 
siders to  meddle  in  them.  Doubtless,  certain  of 
the  great  Powers  of  Europe,  from  purely  interest- 
ed motives,  would  gladly  revise,  for  the  United 
States,  the  whole  system  of  import  taxation  as  le- 
gally defined  and  administered  here,  and  would 
also  correct  our  faults  and  vices  in  a variety  of 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  353 


other  directions,  and  much  to  their  advantage. 
Doubtless,  China  would  undertake  to  remedy  the 
discrimination  against  her  people,  which  is  to  be 
found  in  our  immigrant  legislation.  And,  be- 
yond a question,  the  statesmen  of  America  have 
discovered  a multitude  of  wrongs  and  abuses  in 
the  governmental  systems  of  Europe,  which  lat- 
ter they  feel  themselves  quite  competent  to  re- 
cast and  reconstruct  upon  a pure  and  ideal  basis. 
But  the  homely  old  rule  which  teaches  each  man 
to  mind  his  own  business  is  nowhere  so  impor- 
tant and  imperative  as  in  questions  of  this  sort. 
The  interests  involved  are  so  grave  and  far- 
reaching,  and,  at  the  same  time,  so  complicated, 
intertangled,  and  obscure,  that  strangers  may  not 
safely  meddle.  They  must  be  studied  out, 
wrought  out,  and  lived  out,  by  the  inhabitants 
themselves. 

Only  when  the  defects  or  abuses  of  any  politi- 
cal system  are  of  such  grave  character  as  to  inter- 
fere with  the  rights,  privileges,  and  immunities 
of  aliens  resident  within  the  territory  controlled 
by  it,  and  to  result  in  constant  violations  of  treaty 
engagements — only  under  such  conditions  are 
foreign  governments  justified,  or  wise,  in  inter- 
ference. And  there  is  good  ground  for  the  belief 
that,  even  in  such  cases,  the  interference  may  best 
be  confined  to  the  correction  of  particular  wrongs 


354  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


and  violations  of  obligation,  leaving  the  govern- 
ment most  concerned  to  correct  the  system  under 
which  they  have  been  committed.  Governments 
are  but  larger  bundles  of  human  nature.  They 
will  resist  and  resent  outside  pressure  or  advice, 
when,  if  left  quietly  to  themselves,  they  will  take 
the  necessary  steps  to  remove  causes  of  complaint. 
A manifest  determination  to  exact  what  is  due 
will  effect  more  than  any  quantity  of  unwelcome 
interference. 

That  wholesale  and  sweeping  reforms  are  de- 
manded in  every  branch  of  the  Chinese  adminis- 
tration, if  the  nation  is  to  continue  an  indepen- 
dent existence,  is  manifest  to  every  one  who  has 
any  acquaintance  with  the  country  or  its  people. 
None  recognize  this  fact  more  fully  than  the  Chi- 
nese themselves.  Just  how  far  foreigners  may 
wisely  press  or  offer  their  advice  or  assistance,  in 
bringing  these  to  pass,  is  quite  another  question. 

The  chapter  upon  “ The  Chinese  Army  and 
Navy  ” has  given  the  reader  some  faint  idea  of 
the  hopeless  inefficiency  and  rampant  corruption 
which  exist  in  that  most  important  branch  of  the 
government  service.  Only  the  most  superficial 
examination  of  any,  or  all,  of  the  remaining  de- 
partments is  necessary  to  show  an  equal  or 
greater  decay  in  efficiency  and  growth  in  abuse. 
Appropriations  are  not  appropriated,  but  pass 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  355 


from  the  Treasury  into  the  pockets  of  officials 
and  their  underlings.  Orders  and  instructions 
are  seldom  executed  in  good  faith,  and  are,  not 
infrequently,  quite  ignored.  Reports  mean  little 
or  nothing  in  the  way  of  exact  information  upon 
any  existing  state  of  facts.  They  may  show 
what  ought  to  be,  they  seldom  show  what  is. 

The  finances  of  the  empire — and  they  consti- 
tute the  most  sensitive  and  reliable  barometer  of 
honesty  and  good  government  in  any  nation — 
have  long  been  in  a chronic  condition  of  disorder 
and  scantiness.  Yet  the  tax  levy,  while  moderate 
in  every  direction,  is  ample,  if  honestly  collected, 
honestly  paid  into  the  Treasury,  and  honestly  and 
intelligently  expended,  to  meet  all  the  needs  of 
the  administration  of  affairs.  The  root  of  the 
trouble  can  be  stated  in  a single  sentence.  While 
far  more  than  the  legal  amount  of  tax  is  collected 
from  the  people,  far  less  than  that  amount  is 
paid  into  the  Treasury,  and  of  sums  appropriated 
from  the  public  funds,  which  have  thus  been  sub- 
jected to  one  sweating  process,  only  a small  pro- 
portion reaches  any  legitimate  destination.  By 
way  of  example,  the  land  tax  is  reasonable  in  rate 
and  quite  within  the  ability  of  the  people  to  pay. 
Yet,  legitimately  collected  and  paid,  it  would 
yield  a large  and  reliable  annual  revenue.  An 
average  of  from  three  to  five  times  the  authorized 


356  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


amount  is  regularly  collected,  and  less  than  the 
proper  return  is  as  regularly  reported.  Any  num- 
ber of  instances  might  be  cited  in  proof  of  this 
statement.  In  The  Real  Chinaman  is  given  an 
interesting  detail  of  the  methods  by  which  this 
extortion  is  accomplished,  and  the  statement  of 
a particular  case,  in  which  the  inhabitants  of  a 
district,  not  remote  from  Peking,  revolted  against 
the  payment  of  four  and  one-half  times  the  legal 
rate,  and,  after  varied  experiences,  effected  a com- 
promise with  the  local  authorities,  agreed  to  pay 
two  and  one-half  times  the  proper  sum  annually 
for  all  future  time,  and  erected  a granite  slab  in 
the  centre  of  their  city,  as  permanent  evidence  of 
this  adjustment  of  the  difficulty. 

It  is,  naturally,  impossible  to  determine  wheth- 
er this  form  of  official  corruption — tampering 
with  the  government  funds — is  greater  in  the 
capital  or  the  provinces.  Some  illustrations  of 
what  is  done  beneath  the  eye  of  the  Emperor 
will  show  what  it  is  there,  and  will  lead  to  the 
conclusion  that,  if  worse  at  points  more  remote 
from  the  centre  of  authority,  little  or  nothing  can 
be  left  for  the  legitimate  expenses  of  the  govern- 
ment. The  Imperial  household,  being  Manchu, 
use  milk,  which  the  Chinese  never  touch,  as  an 
article  of  food,  and  a supply  is  brought  each  day 
to  the  palace  from  outside  the  city.  The  native 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  357 


residents  of  Peking  have  a saying,  as  describing 
the  universal  peculation,  that,  when  the  Imperial 
milk  wagon  reaches  the  outer  gate  of  the  city,  the 
official  on  duty  there  takes  out  a cup  of  milk  and 
puts  in  a cup  of  water,  at  each  gate  and  police 
station  within  the  city,  passed  by  the  wagon,  this 
process  of  extraction  and  substitution  is  repeated, 
with  the  result  that,  when  the  fluid  eventually 
reaches  the  Imperial  table,  no  trace  of  milk,  even 
in  color,  can  be  detected.  They  are  also  some- 
what fond  of  saying  that  the  Emperor  is  the 
poorest  man  in  all  China. 

At  one  time  in  its  history,  Peking  possessed  an 
elaborate  and  efficient  system  of  sewage,  not 
connected  with  residences  or  public  buildings  of 
any  class,  but  intended  solely  to  carry  off  the 
heavy  rainfall.  Some  years  ago,  it  became  neces- 
sary to  clean  out  a stretch  of  sewer,  from  one  of 
the  legations  to  the  canal,  a distance  of  about 
fifteen  hundred  feet.  It  was  in  perfect  repair,  but 
was  silted  full  of  earth.  The  work  required  was 
simple,  and  comprised  digging  down  some  four 
feet  to  the  top  of  the  sewer,  removing  the  heavy 
granite  slabs  which  capped  it,  shovelling  out  the 
dry  earth  from  within,  and  replacing  everything 
in  proper  shape.  An  application  to  the  city  au- 
thorities to  have  this  work  done  was  met  with 
the  reply  that  there  were  no  funds  available  for 


358  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


such  purpose.  The  head  of  the  legation  most 
affected  by  this  lack  of  proper  drainage  then 
decided  to  have  the  sewer  cleaned  at  his  own  ex- 
pense, and  made  a contract  with  a Chinese  for 
the  sum  of  six  hundred  Mexican  dollars.  But,  at 
a later  moment,  he  changed  his  determination, 
and  brought  influences  and  pressure  to  bear  upon 
the  Imperial  authorities,  until  they  at  length  did 
their  duty.  And  thus  done,  this  simple  piece  of 
shovelling  cost  the  government  somewhat  more 
than  fifty-five  thousand  Mexican  dollars! 

At  about  the  same  time,  an  order  was  made  to 
open  up  and  put  into  thorough  repair  a similar 
trunk  sewer,  running  along  a business  street  from 
the  south  to  the  north  wall  of  the  city.  A liberal 
sum  was  appropriated  for  the  expense  of  the 
work.  The  labor  was  performed  in  the  follow- 
ing manner  by  the  military  police  of  Peking. 
Selecting  a position  over  the  sewer  and  directly 
in  front  of  the  largest  shop  or  store  upon  the 
street,  they  proceeded  to  make  a large  excavation, 
throwing  the  dirt  and  refuse  into  a huge  pile 
against  the  entrance  to  this  establishment,  and 
completely  putting  an  end  to  its  business.  Com- 
plaints and  remonstrances  were  in  vain.  They 
were  obeying  the  commands  of  the  Emperor,  and 
what  were  mere  merchants,  that  they  should  ob- 
ject or  interfere!  Eventually,  a money  payment 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  359 


secured  their  consent  to  close  the  opening  made, 
and  to  remove  to  the  front  of  another  commer- 
cial establishment.  Thus,  every  business  man  of 
any  property,  along  the  entire  street,  was  black- 
mailed, and  the  sum  thus  secured  was  nearly  as 
large  as  the  appropriation  for  the  repair  of  the 
sewer.  But  not  a stroke  of  really  serviceable 
work  was  done. 

After  a suitable  length  of  time  had  passed,  and 
the  inhabitants,  but  not  the  sewer,  had  been 
worked,  a report  was  made  to  the  Throne  that  the 
labor  had  been  performed.  An  Imperial  Com- 
mission was  thereupon  commanded  to  examine 
the  sewer  upon  a specified  day,  and  report.  At 
the  time  named,  the  members  of  this  body  went, 
in  great  state  and  parade,  to  the  upper  end  of  the 
sewer,  where,  and  in  their  presence,  a man  was 
lowered  into  it,  with  direction  to  pass  through  to 
the  other  end.  Certainly,  no  more  perfect  test  of 
thoroughness  than  this  could  be  devised.  The 
Commission  went  to  the  lower  end,  where,  after  a 
short  delay,  the  man  appeared.  And  the  Em- 
peror was  informed,  in  due  course,  that  the  work 
had  been  thoroughly  done.  Such  the  report,  but 
the  facts  were  different.  The  sewer  had  been 
cleaned  out  for  a distance  of  about  twenty  feet 
at  each  end.  A man  had  been  placed  in  hiding  in 
the  lower  end,  before  the  arrival  of  the  Commis- 


360  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


sion.  Upon  a secret  signal,  and  having  previ- 
ously rubbed  some  dirt  upon  his  dress,  he  ap- 
peared— when  he  was  wanted.  The  man  put 
into  the  upper  end  of  the  sewer  remained  there 
until  the  officials  and  crowd  had  gone,  then 
quietly  crept  out  and  went  home.  The  sum  of 
money  thus  raised,  half  by  theft  and  half  by 
blackmail,  was  divided  among  several  hundred 
people,  in  varying  amounts.  Probably  a major- 
ity of  the  people  in  the  city  had  more  or  less  in- 
formation of  the  gross  fraud  thus  perpetrated. 
It  could  hardly  be  otherwise,  as  it  was  being  car- 
ried on  in  open  day  for  months.  Yet  nothing 
was  said.  And  the  only  person  who  remained 
in  absolute  ignorance  of  the  manner  in  which  his 
commands  were  not  being  obeyed,  but  were  being 
used  to  rob  his  subjects,  was  the  Emperor. 

It  is  impossible  to  excuse,  or  palliate,  such 
wholesale  robbery  and  fraud.  And  the  question 
may  well  be  raised  whether,  in  a nation  which 
permits  and  quietly  overlooks  the  constant  prac^ 
tice  of  similar  injustice,  there  can  remain  any 
root  of  honesty,  or  any  capacity  for  reform. 
That,  first  or  last,  the  entire  population  of  the 
empire  appear  to  be,  not  merely  complacent  on- 
lookers, but  active  participants  in  the  robbery  of 
the  Treasury,  only  darkens  the  outlook  and,  ap- 
parently, destroys  the  prospect  of  any  reform. 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  361 


Yet,  before  accepting  any  such  conclusion,  it 
may  be  well  to  recall  the  laxity  of  conscience  to- 
ward the  government  in  other  lands  much  nearer 
home,  the  extent  to  which  Christian  ladies  and 
gentlemen  of  high  character  and  eminent  respect- 
ability defraud  the  revenue  by  smuggling,  and 
rob  at  once  the  nation  and  their  poorer  neighbors, 
by  denying  ownership  of  property  or  understat- 
ing its  value,  and  all  under  the  sanctity  of  an 
oath. 

It  may  be  accepted  that,  while  fraud  and  cor- 
ruption exist  everywhere  in  China,  the  Peking 
cases,  cited  above,  are  extreme  and  do  not  repre- 
sent, what  may  be  termed,  the  just  average  of 
wrongdoing.  If  they  were  fair  examples,  the 
government  would  long  since  have  gone  out  of 
existence.  And  there  are  many  features  in  the 
Chinese  character  and  their  system  of  administra- 
tion which,  while  not  rendering  wrongdoing  less 
culpable,  make  reform  far  less  hopeless. 

The  parental  or  family  idea  of  government, 
which,  as  has  often  been  said,  lies  at  the  root  of 
their  system,  induces  laxity  of  thought  and  action 
regarding  public  property.  What  belongs  to  the 
family  may  properly  be  taken  by  any  member. 
Public  property  belongs  to  any  one  who  thinks 
that  he  needs  it,  and  may  be  appropriated  to  per- 
sonal advantage  without  the  commission  of  a 


362  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


heinous  offence.  Again,  officials  being  chosen 
from  among  the  people,  and  every  family  in  the 
empire  having,  or  aiming  to  have,  a relative 
among  those  who  collect  and  disburse  public 
funds,  the  whole  business  of  administration,  or 
maladministration,  is  in  this  way  reduced  to  a 
sort  of  family  affair.  The  people  pay  the  money, 
and  the  people  handle  it.  What  more  need  be 
said?  If  a farmer  in  the  province  of  Chihli  suffers 
from  the  extortions  of  the  tax  collector,  he  excuses 
it,  and  comforts  himself  with  the  thought  that  his 
son,  brother,  or  cousin,  down  in  Hunan,  also  be- 
longs to  the  official  class  and  is  filling  his  purse 
down  there.  In  this  way,  all  forms  of  extortion, 
injustice,  and  official  or  private  wrongdoing  are 
condoned  and  made  light  of,  when  they  would  not 
be  endured  for  an  hour,  were  it  not  for  this  family 
idea. 

The  Chinese  have  a wonderful,  though  indefi- 
nite, system  of  balances  and  adjustments.  The 
writer  once  heard  two  men  discussing,  by  the 
roadside,  the  results  of  their  business  for  the  day. 
They  had  each  carried  two  baskets  of  cabbages 
into  Peking,  and  peddled  them  through  the 
streets.  One  had  received  five  pieces  of  cash  for 
each  pound  of  his  wares,  while  the  other  had  re- 
ceived but  four.  But  the  latter  remarked  that  he 
had  tucked  eight  pounds  of  pebbles  into  the  heads 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  363 


of  his  cabbage,  and  hence  had  gained  a few  more 
cash  than  the  first,  for  his  day’s  work.  With  no 
invariable  or  generally  recognized  standards  of 
weight  or  measure,  with  steelyard  bars  graded  to 
buy  with,  upon  one  side,  and  to  sell  by,  upon  the 
other,  neither  being  correct,  with  no  system  of 
coinage,  with  a perfectly  indefinite  unit  of  money, 
with  silver  bullion  as  the  medium  of  exchange,  of 
all  grades,  qualities,  shapes,  and  sizes,  it  is  simply 
astonishing  to  what  extent  all  things  are  balanced 
up,  all  differences  allowed  for  and  adjusted  in  the 
accounting,  and  how  little  actual  loss  by  fraud  or 
deception  occurs.  One  result  of  the  lack  of  any 
standard  in  anything  is,  that  every  man  is  a sharp 
and  close  hand  at  a bargain. 

And  they  equalize  and  average  the  more  seri- 
ous affairs  of  public  service  in  much  the  same 
way  that  they  employ  in  the  petty  details  of  pri- 
vate life.  No  attempt  is  made  to  secure  that 
exact  administration  of  each  item  of  business 
which  is  looked  for  and,  in  a measure,  secured  in 
Western  lands.  If  the  general  average  is  satis- 
factory, particular  cases  of  misrule  or  abuse  are 
not  seriously  considered.  There  is  a far  greater 
amount  of  individuality  in  the  conduct  of  public 
or  private  affairs  in  China  than  is  to  be  found 
elsewhere.  The  official  adapts  his  acts  and  de- 
cisions to  the  particular  person  with  whom  he  is 


364  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


dealing.  This  cannot  be  termed  even-handed 
justice,  but  it  appears  to  satisfy  the  Chinese. 

The  writer  was  once  placed  where,  for  several 
days,  he  witnessed  the  proceedings  and  heard  the 
conversation  between  a tax  collector  and  the  peo- 
ple of  a district  in  which  he  was  performing  the 
duties  of  his  office.  Any  proceedings  more  un- 
dignified and  irregular  could  hardly  be  described. 
Threats,  cajolery,  earnest  argument,  and  banter 
were  by  turns  employed,  and  often  upon  the  same 
person.  The  collector  was  as  far  removed  from 
being  an  automatic  limb  of  the  law,  the  imper- 
sonal representative  of  an  unvarying  force  and 
authority,  as  can  be  conceived.  Judged  by  his 
remarks  and  conduct,  he  was  possessed  of  full  and 
final  discretion  to  collect  anything,  or  nothing,  as 
he  might  see  fit.  And  he  manifestly  gauged  his 
conduct  in  each  case  by  the  person  with  whom  he 
was  dealing.  In  one  instance,  he  would  exact  the 
last  cash  of  the  tax,  with  allowances  for  poor  sil- 
ver, additions  for  interest,  expenses,  commis- 
sions, and  other  charges,  until  the  sum  total 
represented  several  multiples  of  the  original 
amount.  In  the  next  instance  he  would,  perhaps, 
accept  one-half  of  the  tax  due,  while,  in  the  next, 
he  was  entirely  contented  to  receive  nothing  at 
all.  And  the  victims,  or  victors,  as  the  case  might 
be,  evidently  understood  it  all,  and  were  quite  sat- 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  365 


isfied.  There  were  no  signs  of  rack  or  thumb- 
screw in  the  proceedings  of  the  entire  three  days. 
They  formed,  rather,  a prolonged  contest  of  ar- 
gument and  powers  of  persuasion.  Yet  it  must 
not  be  understood  that  all  tax  collectors  in  China 
perform  their  duties  in  the  manner  just  described. 

The  system  of  individual  responsibility,  if  it 
exists  at  all  in  the  Chinese  Empire,  is  not  found 
in  the  organization  of  the  central  authority.  The 
constitution  of  the  Board  of  War,  as  heretofore 
described,  is  followed  in  all  of  the  other  depart- 
ments. In  each,  the  responsibility  and  authority 
are  so  far  divided  and  subdivided,  balanced  and 
counter-balanced,  that  no  one  person  is  account- 
able for  any  act,  and  no  individual  member  of  the 
Board  can  do  anything.  Energy  and  honesty 
are  wasted.  Each  official  can  hide  behind  every 
other,  and  thus  evade  question  or  criticism.  Even 
the  personal  accountability  of  a viceroy  is  much 
less  than  is  supposed.  A complicated  system  of 
checks  upon  his  action  hinder  his  efforts  in  any 
direction,  good  or  bad,  and  provide  him,  too, 
with  abundant  refuge  under  any  storm  of  im- 
perial or  popular  censure. 

In  the  Chinese  official  system  there  is  no  such 
clean-cut  partition  of  duties  into  different  classes, 
and  distribution  of  them  among  different  men,  as 
is  found  in  Western  nations.  A civil  officer  has 


366  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


various  military  functions  to  perform.  The 
mayor  of  a city  is  liable,  any  day,  to  be  ordered  to 
assume  command  of  an  army  corps  or  a battle- 
ship. And  in  the  performance  of  his  civil  obli- 
gations, he  is,  by  turns,  a legislator,  a judge,  and 
an  executive  officer.  There  is  this  commingling 
and  confusion  of  all  the  various  lines  of  official 
work,  to  be  found  everywhere  throughout  China. 
The  same  authority  makes  the  law,  puts  it  into 
operation,  and  passes  judgment  upon  those  who 
fail  to  obey  it. 

The  result  is  a peculiarly  tangled  system,  which 
affords  unlimited  opportunities  for  corruption 
and  arbitrary  exactions  of  every  sort.  In  Pe- 
king, where  the  same  or  a greater  confusion  of 
duties  exists,  it  is  by  no  means  unusual  to  see  one 
official  holding  a dozen  different  positions  in  all 
the  various  departments  of  public  service.  One 
result  of  which  is,  that  a popular  and  efficient 
servant  of  the  Throne  is  literally  worked  to  death, 
while  others,  more  inclined  to  indolence,  do  noth- 
ing. They  pass  their  lives  in  a feeble  effort  to 
determine  which,  in  the  medley  of  duties  assigned 
them,  had  best  be  attacked  first.  That  public  in- 
terests suffer,  under  such  a system  of  confusion, 
goes  without  saying. 

China  is  largely  over-officered.  In  the  govern- 
ment service,  as  everywhere  else,  there  are  more 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  367 

hands  than  work.  And  this  evil  is  continually 
increasing.  The  result  is  seen  in  a host  of  under- 
paid, and  hence  half-starved,  petty  public  ser- 
vants, whose  only  practical  duty  consists  in  in- 
venting some  occasion  for  exactions  from  the 
people.  Crowds  of  them  are  to  be  found  about 
every  important  public  office,  such  as  that  of  a 
viceroy  or  governor.  And  special  commissions 
and  unnecessary  labors  are  invented  and  devised 
in  order  to  furnish  them  with  an  excuse  for  con- 
tinuing to  live.  The  people  are  philosophic  under 
such  unreasonable  burdens,  largely  for  the  reason 
already  given,  that  these  officers  come  from  their 
own  number,  and  having  attained  to  such  dignity, 
must  be  respected,  honored,  and — fed. 

Most  exaggerated  notions  are  current  in  Amer- 
ica and  Europe  regarding  the  wealth  of  Chinese 
officials.  A few  years  ago  a citizen  of  the  United 
States,  who  had  resided  for  years  at  Hong  Kong, 
was  appealed  to  by  a newspaper  reporter  in  New 
York  for  some  information  as  to  the  wealth  of  a 
certain  high  Chinese  official.  In  utter  ignorance 
upon  the  point,  he  drew  freely  upon  his  imagina- 
tion, and  the  result  was  somewhat  startling.  The 
viceroy  referred  to  would  doubtless  consider  him- 
self rich  beyond  his  wildest  dreams  if  he  possessed 
one-hundredth  part  of  the  fortune  attributed  to 
him.  For  many  years  the  reputed  wealthiest 


368  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


person  in  Peking  was  an  officer  whose  name  has 
already  appeared  in  these  pages.  And  the  high- 
est estimate  placed  upon  his  possessions  was  con- 
siderably below  one  million  dollars. 

China  is  not  the  land  of  the  enormously  rich. 
However  startling  might  be  the  sum  total  of  the 
peculations  from  the  public  purse  and  the  extor- 
tions from  the  people,  throughout  the  empire,  the 
great  bulk  of  it  all  is  divided  in  small  sums  among 
petty  officials,  underlings,  and  unofficial  subordi- 
nates, on  the  spot,  and  at  the  time  of  collection, 
and,  through  them,  flows  back  directly  into  the 
pockets  of  the  people.  Great  wealth  in  China,  as 
elsewhere,  is  found,  not  in  the  hands  of  officials, 
but  of  merchants  and  business  men.  Each  officer 
of  any  grade  in  the  service  is  obliged  to  maintain, 
at  his  own  cost,  a large  staff  of  aides,  secretaries, 
clerks,  petty  officers,  messengers,  and  underlings 
of  every  kind.  No  government  allowances  of  any 
sort  are  made  for  these  adjuncts  to  his  dignity 
and  necessary  assistants  in  the  performance  of  his 
duty.  Yet  he  is  expected  to  retain  a larger  num- 
ber of  them  than  would  be  seen  in  a correspond- 
ing office  in  any  other  country.  If  they  are  de- 
ficient in  number  or  in  any  of  the  thousand 
and  one  requirements  which  etiquette  prescribes 
as  necessary  to  such  official  attendants,  he  will 
surely  suffer  in  dignity  and  respect  paid  him,  and, 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  369 


possibly,  in  more  serious  ways.  If  they  rob  the 
people,  they  rob  their  master  no  less.  They  are 
the  active  agents  in  all  forms  of  official  pecula- 
tions, and  much  of  the  results  of  such  theft  and 
extortion  never  leave  their  hands.  And,  as  has 
already  been  said,  the  large  proportion  of  that 
which  has  been  reported  to  their  master  is,  at 
once,  distributed  among  them.  The  post  of  gate- 
keeper, or  porter,  in  a Chinese  viceroy’s  palace 
is  often,  if  not  invariably,  more  profitable  than 
the  post  of  viceroy. 

The  salaries  allowed  to  Chinese  officials  are 
merely  nominal,  seldom,  if  ever,  sufficient  to  pro- 
vide and  maintain  the  staff  above  described.  The 
annual  legal  salary  of  a viceroy  is  about  $500. 
A cabinet  officer  in  Peking  receives  from  $1000 
to  $1250  a year,  upon  which  he  is  expected  to 
maintain  his  family,  his  rank  and  dignity,  and 
support  his  secretaries  and  a suitable  staff,  besides 
extending  hospitality  to  guests.  Of  this  sum,  his 
salary,  properly  speaking,  is  $250 — the  remainder 
is  made  up  of  special  allowances.  So  a viceroy 
is  granted  additional  sums  which  increase  his 
total  authorized  income  to  about  $6000.  But  his 
inevitable  expenses  are  far  in  excess  of  those  of  a 
cabinet  minister,  and  cannot  aggregate  less  than 
$50,000  a year.  As  these  are  the  highest  officers 
in  the  empire,  their  pay  is  proportionately 


370  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


greater.  The  salaries  and  allowances  of  lesser 
official  grades  decrease  in  ratio  with  the  rank, 
until  the  district  magistrate  or  mayor  of  a city 
and  district  having  a population  of  half  a million 
souls  receives  an  annual  sum,  including  salary 
and  all  allowances,  considerably  less  than  the 
earnings  of  a common  laborer  in  the  United 
States. 

Among  these  allowances  is  one  entitled  the 
“ anti-extortion  fund.”  And  the  appropriation 
made  from  it,  in  some  instances,  has  amounted  to 
twenty,  and  even  twenty-five,  times  the  salary  of 
the  official  recipient.  Yet  the  total  amounts  re- 
ceived from  all  legitimate  sources  are  insufficient 
for  the  requirements  of  any  government  position. 
The  so-called  extortions  and  peculations  are  the 
inevitable  sequence  to  inadequate  salaries.  From 
this  situation  has  come  an  understanding,  every- 
where recognized  by  the  government,  officials, 
and  people  of  all  classes,  that  those  in  office  have 
a claim  for  compensation  upon  those  whom  they 
control  and  serve.  The  nominal  salary  and  al- 
lowances represent  only  the  Imperial  portion  of 
the  amount  due.  The  people  of  any  district 
must,  in  turn,  pay  their  share.  So  long  as  ex- 
actions made  under  this  pretext  are  moderate, 
and  the  official  duties  are  fairly  rendered,  no  com- 
plaint is  made. 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  371 


The  unwisdom  of  any  such  system  is  too  plain 
to  require  comment.  It  opens  a wide  path  to 
arbitrary  and  irresponsible  administration,  and 
to  a general  laxity  in  the  construction  of  recipro- 
cal duties  and  obligations,  which  can  only  end  in 
the  complete  demoralization  of  the  public  service. 
If  any  officer  is  free  to  make  a small  demand,  not 
recognized  by  law,  upon  a subject,  to  suit  his  re- 
quirements or  desires,  he  will  soon  feel  at  liberty 
to  make  a larger  one.  If  he  is  at  liberty  to  re- 
serve a small  commission  upon  the  taxes  collected 
to  pay  him  for  his  trouble,  the  amount  being  fixed 
by  himself,  he  will  speedily  increase  his  share. 
Upon  the  other  hand,  if  the  people  consent  to  pay 
more  than  legal  taxes  and  imposts,  at  the  demand 
of  the  official,  they  will  soon  discover  their  right 
to  pay  less,  if  it  suits  their  necessities  or  con- 
venience to  do  so.  The  inevitable  result  is  what 
is  seen  to-day  in  China — hopeless  confusion  in 
the  finances  of  the  empire;  an  utter  lack  of  any 
relationship  between  what  the  people  actually  pay 
in  taxes  and  the  sum  which  the  government  re- 
ceives; more  money  raised  and  less  available 
than  is  necessary.  And,  perhaps,  the  worst  ef- 
fect of  the  system  is  found  in  a public  sentiment 
apparently  so  debauched,  that  no  approach  to  dis- 
honesty or  corruption  is  seen  in  it,  but  it  is  stoutly 
defended  as  reasonable  and  business-like. 


37 2 REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


This  liberty  or  license  to  tamper  with  private 
property  upon  the  one  hand,  and  the  moneys  of 
the  empire  upon  the  other,  is  the  root  of  all  the 
various  forms  of  maladministration  which  have 
cursed  China  for  many  years.  And  the  question 
at  once  arises  whether  a nation  thus  demoralized 
by  ideas  and  practices,  which  have  been  working 
mischief  for  centuries,  is  capable  of  reform.  Can 
there  be  any  solid  foundation  left  upon  which  to 
build?  Is  there  enough  of  honesty  and  force  of 
character  left  in  the  Chinese  to  enable  them  to 
correct  these  abuses,  to  establish  and  maintain  a 
sound  governmental  system?  Is  there  enough 
of  cohesive  power,  enough  of  public  and  patriotic 
spirit,  to  be  found  in  the  race  and  nation  to  endure 
the  inevitable  strain  of  such  sweeping  changes  as 
would  be  necessary? 

There  is  no  doubt  in  the  minds  of  those  who 
know  China  and  the  Chinese,  that  all  such  ques- 
tions may  safely  be  answered  in  the  affirmative. 
Reference  was  made,  in  an  earlier  paragraph,  to 
the  extraordinary  methods  of  balance  and  adjust- 
ment everywhere  prevalent  among  the  people. 
The  improper  and  corruptive  methods  of  supple- 
menting official  salaries,  and  of  dealing,  in  gen- 
eral, with  public  funds,  have  been  regarded  by 
the  great  mass  of  the  nation  as  processes  of  this 
sort,  undesirable  but  necessary.  And  hence  the 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  373 


pernicious  results  have  been  much  less  than  is 
generally  believed.  A great  capacity  of  endur- 
ance and  a philosophic  turn  of  mind  enable  the 
average  Chinaman  to  submit,  with  complacency, 
to  conditions  which  he  would  gladly  see  modified, 
and  even  to  excuse  and  defend  wrong  ways  and 
methods,  in  the  correction  of  which  he  would 
heartily  assist.  When  the  time  comes,  and  re- 
formative measures  are  put  into  operation  in  the 
empire,  the  facility  and  readiness  with  which  they 
are  adopted,  and  the  appreciative  support  which 
they  receive  from  the  people,  will  surprise  the 
world. 

And  yet  it  will  not  be  strange  to  those  who 
know  them.  The  great  majority  of  the  Chinese 
are  honest,  acute  men  of  business.  They  realize 
that  their  traditional  systems  of  finance  are  ex- 
travagant, expensive,  and  corrupt.  These  have 
been  endured,  but  not  enjoyed.  As  merchants 
there  are  none  better  in  the  world  than  the  Chi- 
nese, their  word  is  as  good  as  their  bond,  and 
their  reliability  and  integrity  are  known  and  rec- 
ognized by  all  who  have  had  dealings  with  them. 
Honest  and  faithful  in  their  dealings  with  each 
other,  why  should  not  such  men  welcome  an  hon- 
est governmental  system,  and  aid  in  the  establish- 
ment of  it?  What  good  reason  is  there  for  the 
assumption  that  they  will  not? 


374  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


Industry,  economy,  patience,  persistency  of 
purpose,  democracy  of  spirit,  and  stability — all 
of  these  most  excellent  traits  of  character  are 
notably  developed  in  the  Chinese.  Each  one  of 
them  constitutes  an  argument  in  favor  of  their 
capacity  for  reform,  and  their  ability  to  accom- 
plish the  much-needed  task  themselves.  And 
their  very  conservatism,  while  leading  them  to 
caution  in  making  changes,  will  ensure  perma- 
nence to  a new  and  better  state  of  affairs. 

It  is  impossible  to  believe  that  any  race  so 
multitudinous  in  number,  possessed  of  a history 
continuous  and  consistent,  which  extends  back  to 
the  very  beginnings  of  recorded  time,  leaders  for 
centuries  in  the  civilization  of  the  world,  exhib- 
iting at  the  present  great  intellectuality  and  an 
abundance  of  shrewd  good  sense,  having  such 
admirable  and  sturdy  traits  of  character,  such 
virility  and  force — it  is  impossible  to  believe  that 
such  a race  is  incompetent  to  manage  its  own 
affairs,  and  to  plan  and  perfect  any  such  reforms 
and  readjustments  of  its  domestic  affairs  and 
foreign  relations  as  may  be  desirable  or  neces- 
sary. 

The  Chinese  can  and  will  accomplish  this  work. 
There  is  a large  and  growing  body  of  able  and 
intelligent  men  in  the  empire,  some  of  whom  have 
studied  the  more  modern  and  better  systems  of 


REAL.  CHINESE  QUESTION  375 

administration  in  Western  lands,  and  all  of  whom 
see  clearly  the  defects  of  the  present  government, 
and  are  determined  upon  their  correction.  The 
Chinese  Educational  Mission,  already  referred  to, 
while  not  successful  in  the  more  immediate  pur- 
pose of  its  creation,  proved  to  be  a training-school 
for  much  new  thought  upon  Chinese  affairs,  and 
some  of  the  boys  who  went  abroad  in  1872-75 
will  be  among  the  leaders  in  the  grave  task  of  re- 
forming and  reconstructing  a great  nation. 
There  is  no  lack  of  material,  nor  of  intelligent, 
patriotic  determination.  Forces  have  been  at 
work  for  many  years  which,  even  yet,  have  not 
shown  themselves  upon  the  surface.  Men, 
springing  from  the  ranks  of  the  people,  as  all 
great  leaders  have  come  in  the  United  States,  will 
appear  when  needed,  though  their  existence  is 
still  unknown.  The  power  of  public  opinion, 
greater  in  China  than  elsewhere  in  the  world, 
once  aroused,  will  prove  irresistible  in  favor  of 
better  things. 

It  is  a matter  of  comparative  indifference 
whether  the  necessary  reforms  are  wrought  out 
under  the  present  Manchu  dynasty  or  under 
some  different  regime.  That  question  the  na- 
tion should  be  allowed  to  determine  for  itself. 
The  Manchus  have  become  essentially  Chinese, 
the  work  will  be  done  by  Chinese,  who  vastly  out- 


376  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


number  the  others,  and  have,  for  many  years, 
been  in  practical  control  of  the  affairs  of  the  em- 
pire. It  would  be  exceedingly  unwise,  and  possi- 
bly disastrous,  for  any  foreign  Power  to  interfere 
or  offer  advice  in  that  question. 

Unless  prevented  by  force  or  disheartened  by 
threats  and  an  over-pressure  of  rival  and  con- 
flicting interests,  from  without  the  empire,  the 
leaders  of  Chinese  thought  will  execute  all  needed 
reforms  themselves,  and  with  a single  view  lo  the 
advantage  of  the  Chinese  nation.  And  just  here 
is  danger  of  serious  trouble.  There  are  any  num- 
ber of  elaborate  schemes  and  plans  for  the  reor- 
ganization of  China  in  existence.  The  major 
part  of  them  are  of  foreign  origin.  Chambers  of 
Commerce,  Boards  of  Trade,  philanthropic  indi- 
viduals, a few  missionaries,  and  persons  of  varied 
description — as  well  as  some  who  are  nondescript 
— have  all  taken  a hand  in  the  enterprise. 
Oceans  of  advice,  much  of  it  good  and  much  more 
impracticable,  at  least  for  the  present,  have  been 
poured  upon  the  heads  of  the  rulers  and  people 
of  the  empire.  All  of  this  had  a foreign  or 
Western  flavor,  and  hence,  for  reasons  which  this 
volume  must  have  made  quite  evident,  is  discred- 
ited and  distrusted  by  the  Chinese.  And  much 
of  it  was,  and  is,  liable  to  another  and  more  seri- 
ous objection — it  rearranges  and  readjusts  the 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  377 


Imperial  system  and  the  laws  for  the  benefit  of 
the  foreigner  and  foreign  commerce.  It  pro- 
poses, in  fact,  the  management  of  China  for  the 
advantage  of  Europe. 

It  is  idle  to  expect  that  those  who  have  intelli- 
gently at  heart  the  good  of  their  country,  and  a 
wise  regard  for  its  future,  will  consent  to  any 
such  schemes  and  devices.  Nothing  short  of 
force  can  accomplish  them.  In  the  future,  China 
will  either  rule  herself,  and  control  her  own  af- 
fairs for  her  own  good,  as  do  other  self-respecting 
nations,  or  she  will  cease  to  exist.  Thanks  to  the 
recent  uprising,  the  parting  of  the  ways  has  come 
to  this  great  empire.  Henceforward,  taking 
counsel  from  her  near  neighbor,  China  will 
gather  herself  together,  call  into  exercise  her 
enormous  latent  power,  readjust  herself  to  her 
own  advantage,  and  take  her  place  among  the 
great  nations  of  the  world,  not  all  at  once,  but 
gradually,  or  she  will  be  dismembered,  destroyed, 
and  distributed  about,  piecemeal,  among  the 
Powers  of  Europe,  to  the  shame  of  humanity  and 
the  destruction  of  the  peace  of  the  world. 
Whichever  may  happen,  the  Chinese  are  little 
likely  to  accept,  unless  under  stress  of  arms,  the 
schemes  and  devices  of  those  who  have  de- 
bauched, humiliated,  insulted,  and  robbed  the 
empire  in  the  past. 


378  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


It  is  manifestly  the  part  of  wisdom  to  allow  the 
Chinese  to  do  their  own  work  in  their  own  way, 
at  least  until  a disposition  is  shown  to  interfere 
with  the  manifest  rights  and  privileges  of  for- 
eigners. When  advice  is  needed,  they  will  hardly 
fail  to  seek  it.  A certain  amount  of  pressure 
and  semi-control  will  undoubtedly  be  called  for, 
for  a time  at  least.  But  it  can  best  be  exercised 
only  with  great  tact,  quietness,  and  discretion. 
They  have  a great  store  of  suspicion,  bitterness, 
and  active  hatred  of  all  foreigners  to  eliminate 
from  their  thoughts  and  feelings.  They  attrib- 
ute, and  justly,  many  of  their  most  serious  ills 
to  foreigners.  And  if  they  are  to  be  given  an 
opportunity  to  come  into  line  with  the  rest  of  the 
world,  and  if  the  establishment  of  permanent  re- 
lations with  them  upon  a new  and  better  basis  is 
desirable,  surely  everything  which  may  tend  to 
perpetuate  or  renew  former  ill-will  ought  to  be 
carefully  avoided  for  the  benefit  of  all. 

It  is  not  to  be  expected  that  the  necessary  reor- 
ganization of  China  can  be  effected  without  much 
delay,  excitement,  and  irritation,  and,  possibly, 
bloodshed.  If  it  could  be  done  at  once  and  with- 
out difficulty  of  any  sort,  then  the  inhabitants  of 
the  empire  would  prove  themselves,  in  a new 
direction,  to  be  the  most  remarkable  race  which 
has  existed  upon  the  earth  in  all  time.  For  no 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  379 


such  stupendous  work  has  ever  yet  been  easily 
done,  or  done  at  all,  without  force  and  bloodshed. 

The  Chinese  will  prove  no  exception  to  the  in- 
variable experience  of  the  past.  And  great  pa- 
tience, moderation,  and  a consistent  slowness  will 
be  necessary  in  putting  each  particular  reform 
into  operation  among  the  masses.  The  power  of 
precedent,  the  natural  inertia  of  the  race,  and  a 
host  of  prejudices  must  be  overcome  or  displaced. 
It  is  not  easy  for  an  old  race  to  adapt  itself  to  new 
conditions.  And  here  is  found  an  added  argu- 
ment against  foreign  interference.  No  matter 
how  friendly,  sympathetic,  and  experienced  with 
the  Chinese  any  Western  man  or  government 
may  be,  none  know  well  how  to  handle  and  con- 
trol the  Chinese  but  the  Chinese  themselves. 

Even  among  reformers  of  their  own  national- 
ity, so  far  as  experience  and  observation  may 
serve,  as  a guide  to  judgment,  there  is  great  dan- 
ger of  too  much  speed  and  impatience.  They 
wish  to  sweep  away  too  many  abuses  and  evils, 
and  to  initiate  too  many  sweeping  reforms,  all  in 
a day.  Nothing  but  disaster  can  result  from 
such  indiscretion.  A notable  example  of  this  is 
to  be  found  in  the  action  and  experiences  of  the 
Emperor,  Kuang  Hsu,  only  two  years  ago. 
With  the  radical  and  ill-advised  ideas  of  a child, 
he  proposed  to  overturn  and  reconstruct  the  en- 


380  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


tire  fabric  of  Imperial  administration  within  a 
few  days,  and  by  the  easy  process  of  issue  of  a 
sufficient  number  of  paper  edicts.  He  ordered 
everything  that  could  be  ordered,  and  all  at  once. 
He  denounced  and  recast  the  entire  system  of 
literary  examinations  as  a basis  for  the  govern- 
ment service.  This  put  the  entire  mass  of  literati 
throughout  China  in  a fever  of  excitement  and 
bitter  hostility.  By  a single  sweep  of  the  “ ver- 
milion pencil,”  he  threw  out  of  existence  six  of 
the  government  departments,  thus  depriving 
more  than  six  thousand  officials  of  office  and  the 
means  of  support.  Everything  that  China  may 
acquire  in  a half  century  she  was  to  have  in  a 
day.  And  the  climax  came  with  a report  that 
a decree  was  about  to  be  issued,  requiring  all  the 
subjects  of  the  Throne  to  cut  off  their  queues  and 
to  adopt  foreign  modes  of  dress ! The  sequel  to 
this  insanity  of  reform  is  known  to  all  the  world. 
And  the  unfortunate  young  Emperor  has  not  yet 
recovered  his  breath  or  his  functions  of  state, 
lost  through  such  extravagant  exercise  of  Im- 
perial energy.  The  old  and  wise  saying : “ It  is 
better  to  be  slow  than  sorry,”  is  eminently  appro- 
priate to  the  inauguration  of  schemes,  however 
wise,  for  the  betterment  of  the  Chinese  adminis- 
tration. 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  381 


It  is  not  within  the  purpose  of  this  volume  to 
detail  any  plan  of  reorganization  or  reform. 
There  are,  however,  certain  preliminary  steps 
which  must  be  taken  before  the  development  of 
any  system  can  be  worked  out,  and  those  will  be 
mentioned. 

The  first  of  these  is  the  establishment  of  uni- 
form and  invariable  systems  of  weights,  meas- 
ures, and  coinage.  The  lack  of  these  makes  ex- 
tortion and  injustice  easy.  Variable  ounce 
weights  and  variable  standards  of  the  purity  of 
silver  bullion,  added  to  a varying  value  of  silver 
in  cash,  which  is  the  customary  coin  of  payment, 
render  it  impossible  that  the  taxpayer  should  ever 
know  what  is  the  exact  legal  amount  of  his  in- 
debtedness. But  the  urgent  demand  for  such  a 
preliminary  measure  of  reform  is  too  evident  to 
require  explanation.  It  matters  little  what  meas- 
ures, weights,  and  coinage  are  adopted,  so  long  as 
any  is  ordered  and  rigidly  enforced.  Whatever 
would  come  most  naturally  to  the  people,  and 
hence  be  most  readily  understood  and  accepted, 
would  be  the  best.  An  Imperial  Decree  ordering 
the  adoption  of  the  system,  and  naming  a date 
for  its  becoming  of  force  sufficiently  far  in  the 
future  to  enable  all  existing  contracts  affected  by 
it  to  receive  the  necessary  modification,  would  be 


382  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


all  the  action  required.  And,  under  such  a 
method,  no  hardship  would  fall  upon  a single  in- 
habitant of  the  empire. 

It  hardly  need  be  said  that  the  second  prelimi- 
nary measure  of  reform  must  be  the  readjustment 
of  the  salaries  and  pay  of  all  officials  and  public 
servants,  of  every  grade  and  condition,  upon  a 
reasonable  living  basis,  coupled  with  the  prohibi- 
tion, under  the  most  severe  penalties,  of  the  re- 
ceipt of  any  sums  of  money  from  the  people. 
Honest  service  is  impossible  under  any  govern- 
ment which  forces  its  servants  to  a choice  between 
theft  and  starvation.  And  this  is  a fact  which 
may  well  receive  consideration  from  other 
Powers  than  the  Chinese.  This  reform  will  be 
more  difficult  of  accomplishment  than  the  first, 
and  will  call  for  the  exercise  of  extreme  vigilance 
and  stern  determination.  Yet  it  can  be  brought 
about.  And  when  the  masses  of  the  people  have 
come  to  a complete  understanding  of  the  new  ar- 
rangement, and  have  learned  by  experience  that 
they  stand  in  no  danger  of  trouble  or  injury  when 
they  resist  illegal  exactions  or  neglect  to  offer 
bribes,  they  will  co-operate  most  heartily  with  the 
authorities.  Yet  it  will  require  years  of  time  to 
completely  extinguish  the  old  and  vicious  prac- 
tices in  this  direction. 

The  last  and  yet  most  important,  as  well  as 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  383 


difficult,  of  these  preliminary  measures  of  reform 
has  yet  to  be  named.  It  consists  in  weeding  out 
and  removing  from  the  official  service  of  China 
every  person  who  is  a victim  of  the  opium  habit. 
This  measure  is  as  imperative  as  difficult.  Dif- 
ficult, because  government  offices  throughout 
China  reek  with  the  fumes  of  the  drug.  Princes, 
viceroys,  governors,  judges,  lesser  civil  officials 
of  every  rank,  military  and  naval  officers,  all 
suffer  under  this  vicious  habit.  It  means  the 
retirement  to  private  life  of  a startling  percentage 
of  the  entire  official  staff  of  the  empire. 

It  is  imperative,  because  honesty  and  efficiency 
of  service  and  opium  smoking  are  incompatible 
and  contradictory  terms.  The  two  simply  can- 
not exist  in  the  same  person.  It  is  unsafe  to 
rely  upon  the  honesty  of  any  man,  or  the  purity 
of  any  woman,  who  is  a victim  to  the  opium  habit. 
The  early  effects  of  the  drug  are  the  destruction 
of  the  moral  sense  and  the  power  of  accurate  dis- 
crimination between  right  and  wrong.  These 
facts  are  well  known,  they  are  the  same  with 
every  race.  They  are  recognized  and  acted  upon 
in  private  business.  No  man  of  affairs,  in  China 
or  elsewhere,  trusts  an  employe  who  is  an  opium 
smoker,  and  never  employs  such  a person  if  any 
other  is  obtainable.  Why  should  these  facts  be 
less  true  or  less  important  in  government  posi- 


384  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


tions,  where  the  interests  at  stake  are  so  much 
greater  and  the  opportunities  for  close  and  fre- 
quent supervision  so  much  less?  An  opium- 
smoking Buddhist  priest  has  been  known  to  steal 
the  very  gods  from  the  altar,  and  pawn  or  sell 
them,  for  a supply  of  the  drug.  Will  official  vic- 
tims of  the  same  habit  hesitate  at  crimes  less 
serious  than  sacrilege? 

It  will  be  idle  and  useless  for  the  Chinese  au- 
thorities to  attempt  reform  along  any  other  lines, 
or  the  rectification  of  even  the  least  abuse,  so  long 
as  nothing  is  done  to  cleanse  the  public  offices  of 
opium  fumes.  The  orders  of  governors,  vice- 
roys, of  the  Emperor  himself,  simply  will  not  be 
obeyed.  And  when  the  government  sets  about 
thorough  reorganization  in  good  earnest,  the  first 
measure,  and  one  vital  to  all  which  may  follow, 
must  be  that  indicated  above.  And  it  must  be 
drastic  and  complete.  Not  merely  responsible 
heads  of  departments,  boards,  and  offices  must 
be  removed,  but  the  lowest  and  most  menial  sub- 
ordinates. It  will  not  be  safe  to  leave  an  opium- 
smoking door-tender  or  floor-sweeper  in  any 
public  office. 

It  is  manifest  that  the  enforcement  of  any  such 
measure  of  reform  can  only  be  begun  after  much 
thought  and  the  elaboration  of  a wisely  devised 
plan  of  operations.  Cruel  injustice  and  suffering 


REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION  385 


would  inevitably  result  from  any  immediate  and 
sweeping  action  in  this  direction.  An  official 
warning,  extending  over  some  two  or  three  years, 
to  the  effect  that  persons  still  using  the  drug  after 
the  expiration  of  the  limit  of  probation  named, 
would  be  excluded  from  the  public  service,  would 
probably  be  necessary.  And  years  more  would 
be  required  to  completely  eradicate  the  vice  from 
all  departments  and  offices  of  the  administration. 

Probably  enough  has  been  said  of  the  part 
played  by  the  self-styled  “ leading  Christian 
Power  of  the  world,”  in  forcing  this  horrible 
curse  upon  the  Chinese  nation,  for  the  sake  of  the 
enormous  revenue  derived  from  the  traffic.  It  is 
humiliating  to  any  one  who  has  English  blood  in 
his  veins  to  recall  the  facts,  and  to  discover  that 
the  British  Government  is  loudest  and  most  im- 
perative in  the  demand  for  reforms,  while  that 
government  is,  in  the  main,  alone  responsible  for 
fastening  a vice  upon  China  which  renders  any 
reform  difficult  to  the  verge  of  impossibility. 


The  real  Chinese  question  is  the  question  of 
the  continued  existence  of  the  Chinese  nation. 
While,  in  one  phase,  it  is  a question  between  mod- 
ern progress  and  antique  conservatism,  between 
b.c.  500  and  a.d.  1900,  so  many  complications 


386  REAL  CHINESE  QUESTION 


and  issues,  exterior  to  the  nation,  are  involved, 
so  many  other  interests  are  at  stake,  that,  in  mak- 
ing a choice,  if  any  opportunity  for  choice  is  per- 
mitted, China  decides  between  life  and  death. 

Left  largely  to  herself,  encouraged  where  en- 
couragement is  necessary,  warned  and  guided  at 
times  in  any  kindly  and  friendly  way,  and  helped 
to  help  herself,  there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the 
result.  In  the  interests  of  a common  humanity, 
and  in  wise  regard  for  the  lower,  but  seemingly 
more  important  concerns  of  trade  and  commerce, 
it  is  much  to  be  hoped  that  such  a line  of 
policy  may  be  adopted  toward  the  Chinese  Em- 
pire in  the  future. 


Date  Due 

JA  5-  ’53 

